The author of the article is revising the concept of the history of the Bosporan Kingdom at the turn of the Common Era as formulated in the early twentieth century by the eminent Russian ancient historian M.I. Rostovtzeff. Its main points may be summarized as follows. In the second half of the first century BCE to the mid-first century CE, the Roman emperor Augustus sought to incorporate Bosporus into a system of client kingdoms, viewing it as a defensive barrier between the Sarmatian-Iranian world and Parthia and as a bridgehead for Roman influence in the Black Sea region. The Romans aimed to unite Bosporus with the Pontic kingdom of the Polemonids, thereby laying the groundwork for their subsequent transformation into Roman provinces. This, in Rostovtzeff's view, explains their political manoeuvres around the Bosporan kings of the second half of the first century BCE and their close attention to Asander, Dynamis, and Rome's direct protégés Scribonius and Polemon I. Sarmatian and Maeotian tribes opposed the intensification of Roman policy; they rallied around Queen Dynamis who, under the cover of an alliance with Rome and friendship with the imperial couple, succeeded in preserving her throne and consolidating her power. A strong and independent Bosporus did not suit the Roman authorities; therefore in 14 BCE the Pontic king Polemon I was sent to Bosporus to unite it with Pontus and place it under Roman control. Under pressure from Augustus, the Bosporan queen Dynamis married Polemon, but soon left him and strengthened her position on the Asiatic side of the Bosporus. She supported Aspurgus, a representative of a local Sarmatian dynasty who claimed the Bosporan throne, and struck gold coinage in 9/8 BCE–7/8 CE. New numismatic and epigraphic evidence discovered in recent years and presented by the author shows the reliability of M.I. Rostovtsev's scientific foresight, and at the same time refines this widely accepted scholarly concept.

Throughout the early and high Renaissance, in the 15th and first half of the 16th century, the Piazza della Signoria in Florence served as a symbol of the Florentine commune and republican liberty. By the mid-16th century, however, its space had undergone radical transformation, as it became filled with numerous statues, impressive both in scale and in sculptural conception. The piazza was now integrated into the system of representation of the new ruler, Duke Cosimo I de’ Medici. Out of the monuments erected there over the years, a complex visual programme gradually emerged, reflecting the ambitions of the young Medici regime and its understanding of its own achievements. In the 1560s the axis of the ensemble was formed by three marble “giants”: Michelangelo Buonarroti’s David, Baccio Bandinelli’s Hercules and Cacus, and Bartolomeo Ammannati’s Neptune, the centerpiece of a monumental fountain. They were complemented by sculpture in the adjacent Loggia dei Lanzi — above all Benvenuto Cellini’s Perseus with the Head of Medusa, as well as the much earlier group Judith and Holofernes by Donatello. Taken together, the statues gathered in the Piazza della Signoria articulated both older republican ideals, which in the new context might be read as anti-Medicean, and explicitly monarchical images; yet in combination they formed a unifi ed allegorical design aimed at glorifying the Florentine duke and his policies. The incorporation of republican symbols into the new imperial discourse of court culture proceeded along two lines: the integration of these figures into a gallery of allegorical personifi cations of Duke Cosimo himself, and a visual polemic by Florentine sculptors with the works of Donatello and Michelangelo. Republican images that had once symbolized the independence and freedom of the Florentine commune thus came to be subordinated to a system of representation and exaltation of Duke Cosimo. Alongside the works of Bandinelli, Cellini, and Ammannati, they articulated key elements of his political rhetoric: the divine origin of his power, the bestowal of peace and prosperity upon a Florence, and the construction of a new “golden age”.

The technological processes involved in the production of cloisonné enamels, despite long-standing scholarly interest, have not yet been fully clarified. The present article aims to address some of the complexities of this problem by drawing on written evidence, above all the treatise of Theophilus, as well as on the results of scientific investigations of selected archaeological finds bearing enamels. The analysis suggests that Theophilus’s description of the technological sequence for producing enamelled objects corresponds to enamels manufactured primarily in Europe and also in China. In the international literature, these are designated as Zellenemail: in this technique, meta l cloisons are soldered to the surface of a metal (typically gold) plaque with a frame soldered along its edge, and the resulting cells are filled with enamels so as to leave no exposed metal ground. A second typ e of enamel, whose origins are associated with Byzantium, is referred to in the international literature as Senkemail. Here, the cloisons are soldered to the floor of a recess sunk into a gold plaque, or produced by a more complex procedure in which the outline of the future image is cut out in the plaque and a trough-like backing is soldered on from below. As a result, the enamelled image is set against a gold background. In Russian-language scholarship, these types of enamel are not normally distinguished; the single term cloisonné (l’émail cloisonné) is applied to both. In the territories of early Rus’, enamels of the Byzantine Senkemail type are most widely attested. This circumstance appears to have contributed to confusion in attempts to reconstruct the relevant technologies on the basis of Theophilus’s text, which described the method for producing Zellenemail. The examination of several bronze archaeological objects with enamels from the territory of Vladimir-Suzdal’ Rus’ has shown that in these pieces the cloisons were not soldered either to the plaque or to the floor of a recess; rather, they were applied only after the enamelled images had already been created. The author interprets this mode of manufacture, in combination with the use of a relatively inexpensive metal — bronze — as an imitation of costly gold ornaments. It may be further hypothesized that the application of metal details onto the enamel surface to render folds of garments and drapery was also employed in the technology of Byzantine gold enamels of the Senkemail type.

In recent years, the migration legislation of the Russian Federation has been subject to a substantial number of amendments, and the year 2024 has proved no exception. These legislative changes are to a considerable degree conditioned by objective political and economic factors, which are linked to the rapidly changing political and economic situation of the Russian state and its organs of public authority. The article offers a survey and analysis of the principal amendments to the legislation governing migration policy and the legal regulation of the status of foreign nationals and stateless persons in the Russian Federation. The subject of this interdisciplinary research is the body of Russian legal norms that regulate the legal status of foreign nationals and stateless persons in Russia — their rights and obligations, their liability for migration-related offences, and the rules governing their entry into, stay in, and presence in the territory of the Russian Federation. Provisions of federal legislation, both newly enacted and already in force, are examined in their historical context. The article analyzes the most significant changes in the migration legislation of the Russian Federation of 2024. Particular attention is devoted to a number of specifi c issues relating to the refinement of the legal status of highly qualified specialists among foreign nationals and stateless persons. In contemporary legal doctrine, considerable attention is paid to organizations that, while not organs of public authority in the strict institutional sense, are nonetheless endowed with certain state or other public powers. With specific reference to the field of migration, the authors therefore consider the new legal regulation of federal state unitary enterprises for which the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Russian Federation acts as founder. They likewise examine the status of state budgetary institutions of the city of Moscow. In addition, attention is paid to coercive measures and sanctions — both administrative and criminal — introduced by recent federal statutes. The article describes the legal structure of the newly introduced criminal and administrative off ence-types in the field of migration.

The creation and dissolution of the Special Temporary Committee for Science (1922–1924) have already attracted scholarly attention. However, most of the relevant documentation has not yet been introduced into scholarly circulation, and the issue has oft en been examined in isolation from the broader relationship between the Academy of Sciences and Narkompros, and in particular Glavnauka, which has led to certain distortions. The present article reconstructs the context of these events and, by bringing new archival documents into circulation, fills the lacunae created by consideration only of the upper layer of the documentation. The year 1923 marked a turning point in relations between the Academy of Sciences and Narkompros. Narkompros jealously guarded its prerogatives with regard to the Academy’s right to a separate budget and a measure of autonomy in scientific matters. These tensions, and Narkompros’s claims to full power over the Academy, emerged with particular sharpness, when Narkompros and Glavnauka began to challenge the privileges previously granted to the Academy through the Special Temporary Committee for Science. The acute phase of the conflict between the Academy and Glavnauka was settled, in one way or another, in early 1924. The subsequent discussion in the Sovnarkom over whether the Special Temporary Committee for Science should be subordinated to the Sovnarkom of the USSR or that of the RSFSR was likewise rooted in these contradictions. The legal deliberations on transforming this committee into a permanent, all-Union body ultimately led to its liquidation, yet behind the formal objections lay substantive considerations that were not articulated openly. The author argues that these actions formed part of a single political line and possessed a systemic and strategic character. As a result of this policy, the USSR for many years lacked a highly eff ective body for the coordination and executive administration of science on a countrywide scale

This article examines the activity of two commissions sent by the British Labour Party to Ireland in 1920. The tense situation on the island, and the ongoing confrontation between Catholic republicans and Protestant unionists who supported the continuation of the union with London, attracted close attention in social-democratic circles. Having failed to secure from David Lloyd George’s government an agreement to establish an independent investigation into violations of the law committed by the forces of order, the Labour Party undertook, in 1920, two attempts to study the situation on the island on its own. The commissions dispatched to Ireland were composed of well-known Labour figures, including members of Parliament. The article analyzes the first visit, during which party activists focused mainly on large cities and held conversations with Irish workers and trade-union representatives. The second visit was better prepared and covered, in addition to urban centers, a number of villages and small towns on the south-western coast of Ireland, where the situation was particularly acute. The author notes that during this second trip the commissioners were able to gather testimony from a larger number of people, including numerous victims of violence and arson. Particular attention is paid to Labour’s impressions of the brutal events in Balbriggan on 20–21 September 1920 and of the shootings at Croke Park in Dublin on 21 November 1920. The author addresses debates within the party over the “Irish question” and nationalism more broadly, as well as the propaganda campaign organized by Labour in early 1921 across Great Britain to convey to the public a true picture of events in Ireland. This campaign marked the culmination of Labour’s efforts to draw public attention to the British authorities’ flagrant acts of brutality on the “Emerald Isle”.

Of the six Russian newspapers that appeared in Lvov, which was under Russian administration from August 1914 to June 1915, only Novyy kray and Chervonnaya Rus’ were privately owned; they were published in March– April and May–June 1915, respectively. Both papers have hitherto almost entirely escaped the attention of Russian historians, even as sources of information. The article demonstrates that, in eff ect, they constituted one and the same periodical, with identical layout, content, and publishing conditions. The closure of Novyy kray and the subsequent relaunch of the newspaper under a new title were linked to hostility on the part of the staff of the commander in chief of the armies of the Southwestern Front toward its publisher, N.I. Kapeller, who, in late 1914, had become embroiled in a high-profile controversy over the establishment of book and newspaper kiosks at railway stations in Galicia. The suppression of Novyу kraу testified to the weak position of the authorities of the Galician General-Governorate, who were compelled to revoke their own authorization of the paper and align themselves with the stance of the front headquarters. Shortly after Novyу kraу ceased to exist, the military authorities readily sanctioned the establishment of a new periodical under the title Chervonnaya Rus’. Its publisher was the former editor of Novyy kray, P.Ya. Kurnosov; everything else — from the location of the editorial office to the programme of the issues — remained unchanged. The minor diff erences in rhetoric between the two newspapers were conditioned by the deteriorating situation on the Southwestern Front: at the height of the enemy off ensive in Galicia, Chervonnaia Rus’ had to devote greater attention to criticizing panic and encouraging the population. On the whole, despite competition from other Russian newspapers in Lvov and from the Russian press reaching the city from the interior, Novyy kray and Chervonnaya Rus’ enjoyed popularity among readers thanks to their varied and original content and their balanced attention to international news and local reports — a fact noted even by the Polish press of Lvov.

This article examines the memoirs of N.N. Shebeko, former Russian ambassador to Austria-Hungary, which have scarcely been introduced into scholarly circulation. Historians have made only occasional use of the French translation of these memoirs, and then primarily for the characterization of Russo- Romanian relations in 1912–1913, when Shebeko served as ambassador in Bucharest. For the first time, the authors base their study on the Russian text of Shebeko’s memoirs, preserved in the Bakhmeteff Archive at Columbia University in New York. Their attention is focused above all on those portions of the diplomat’s recollections that concern the relations of the Russian Empire with Austria-Hungary and Germany. The aim of the study is to identify in this source both factual material on Russia’s relations with the leading states of the Triple Alliance and neighbouring Romania, and the assessments off ered by the diplomat of the Foreign Ministry’s policy in these matters. The article also presents information on the origins and history of the Shebeko family, drawing on documents from the Russian State Historical Archive, and analyzes the political views of the Russian diplomat. The research reveals Shebeko’s connection with the foreign minister A.B. Lobanov-Rostovsky, who secured his transfer from military to diplomatic This article examines the memoirs of N.N. Shebeko, former Russian ambassador to Austria-Hungary, which have scarcely been introduced into scholarly circulation. Historians have made only occasional use of the French translation of these memoirs, and then primarily for the characterization of Russo- Romanian relations in 1912–1913, when Shebeko served as ambassador in Bucharest. For the first time, the authors base their study on the Russian text of Shebeko’s memoirs, preserved in the Bakhmeteff Archive at Columbia University in New York. Their attention is focused above all on those portions of the diplomat’s recollections that concern the relations of the Russian Empire with Austria- Hungary and Germany. The aim of the study is to identify in this source both factual material on Russia’s relations with the leading states of the Triple Alliance and neighbouring Romania, and the assessments offered by the diplomat of the Foreign Ministry’s policy in these matters. The article also presents information on the origins and history of the Shebeko family, drawing on documents from the Russian State Historical Archive, and analyzes the political views of the Russian diplomat. The research reveals Shebeko’s connection with the foreign minister A.B. Lobanov-Rostovsky, who secured his transfer from military to diplomatic

On 25 January 2025 the 270th anniversary was marked not only of the founding of Moscow University, but also of the gymnasium attached to it (later known as the Academic Gymnasium). The gymnasium was created as part of the original “Project for the Establishment of Moscow University”, and its opening in fact preceded the regular delivery of lectures for university students. Throughout the 18th century and the early 19th, it was precisely the gymnasium — by virtue of the size of its student body — that in many respects shaped the ways of the university interacting with society. The gymnasium existed from 1755 to 1812. It occupied a substantial portion of the Main Building of Moscow University, but it was closed after the Moscow fire of 1812, having lost its premises. In 2016 the gymnasium was re-established within the structure of the contemporary Moscow University. This event raises questions of continuity of traditions and of historical memory, both within the university and with regard to the memory of the oldest secondary school in Russia more generally. The present study is directed toward a discussion of these issues. The article examines the principal milestones in the history of the Academic Gymnasium, including the distinctive features of its curriculum, its financing, and the social composition of its pupils. It shows how the experience of the university gymnasium has been drawn upon in the recent history of Moscow State University. The study sets out the main aims embedded in the modern educational process, the parameters of study, and the specific character of students’ project work, and it notes both parallels and divergences between these and their historical prototypes. In the context of creating a youth museum exhibition in the gymnasium devoted to the history of this educational institution, the article presents certain traditions transmitted across generations and newly revived. It also highlights the contribution of the gymnasium to the contemporary history of the university. The conclusion underscores the signifi cance of the historical memory of the gymnasium both for its pupils and for the broader development of the historiography of secondary and higher education in Russia.

The author carried out the modeling of the historical dynamics in Russian rural population size from the 18th to the mid-19th century, examined through the case of a single estate in Kostroma province. This relatively small estate was separated from the extensive holdings of the widow of boyar F.I. Mstislavskii in the second quarter of the 17th century and existed within virtually unchanged boundaries up to the abolition of serfdom in 1861. The estate passed through the hands of several owners, including members of the highest Russian aristocracy (the L’vovs, Romodanovskiis, and Lopukhins) in the 17th and first half of the 18th centuries. A corpus of archival documents has been preserved in the Russian State Archive of Ancient Acts and the State Archive of Kostroma Region, including land survey materials and census books from eight revisions, which enables reconstruction of the estate’s history over the entire period. The estate never experienced large-scale devastation, epidemics, or resettlements and can therefore be regarded as a closed system. It thus provides a valuable testing ground for quantitative, formalized approaches at the micro-level. The article develops an approach based on the mathematical apparatus of the theory of branching processes, a branch of mathematical statistics, which constitutes the main innovation of the study. The proposed methodology makes it possible to estimate the value of the natural increase coeffi cient in the next generation even in cases where the revision data are partially incomplete, to approximate the size of each generation not recorded in the censuses, which is of considerable relevance. This applies not only to the male but also to the female population. This is especially important for the 17th century and the first half of the 18th, when women were not enumerated. Besides, the author obtains an approximate estimate of underregistration of the estate’s population during the first revision of 1719–1722, which proves to be substantial, though not as large as mentioned in some leading Russian works.

The article examines English colonial and commercial expansion in the Canadian North, in the Hudson Bay region, from the late 1660s to the conclusion of the Treaty of Utrecht in 1713. The principal instrument of this expansion was the Hudson’s Bay Company (HBC), which nominally acquired vast territories (approximately one third of present-day Canada) under the terms of its royal charter of 1670. However, the HBC, during the period under consideration, devoted itself almost exclusively to the fur trade with Indigenous peoples at trading posts on the shores of Hudson Bay, situated at the mouths of major rivers that served as the principal communication routes for the inhabitants of the interior of the North American continent. From the outset the company enjoyed extensive connections not only in mercantile circles but also in government, and received substantial support from both the crown and the court. During this period the shores of Hudson Bay became a theater of intense rivalry between the English and the French, who likewise sought to exploit the region’s fur resources. The study elucidates the role and place of the region in contemporary Anglo-French competition and traces the specific dynamics of events on the bay’s coastline during the War of the League of Augsburg and the War of the Spanish Succession. Particular attention is devoted to Anglo-French negotiations at various levels, where issues concerning Hudson Bay were repeatedly raised. The article notes that the relatively small scale of clashes between representatives of the two colonial powers on the shores of the bay stood in sharp contrast to the intensity of the debates that these confl icts provoked in Europe between English and French diplomats. At the same time, the outcome of skirmishes and engagements in the region had little direct impact on the course of the diplomatic negotiations. The fate of the Hudson Bay littoral depended instead on developments in the principal theaters of war and on the broader vicissitudes of European high politics. At the same time, the resources and connections of the HBC, which vigorously defended, promoted, and foregrounded its own interests, played a signifi cant role.

Art has always played a significant role in representing power. In France, the establishment of the Royal Academy of Painting and Sculpture (1648) was a landmark event, not only for artists wishing to distinguish themselves from the craft community but also for the rise of absolutism. Through the Academy’s masters, the monarchy acquired individuals capable of conveying key ideas for the state, as well as projecting the image of the king himself. The Academy, in turn, gained a monopoly on royal commissions. This ensured both the quality and ideological accuracy of the artworks. The relationships between royal power and the selected circle of artists became the focus of this study. The article explores the following questions. How was the process of obtaining, executing, and delivering royal commissions organized throughout the eighteenth century? How was responsibility for their successful completion distributed? What were the official genre and stylistic preferences of the Crown? How were the masters selected to join the Academy? What role did working for a royal patron play in a painter’s career? When and why were such commissions attractive and beneficial for artists? Although each of these questions has been addressed separately in French-language literature, their comprehensive analysis from a modern scholarly perspective has not yet been undertaken. In addition to related scholarly works, the author analyzed the following informative sources: inventory lists of paintings commissioned by directors of royal buildings for the monarch, minutes of the Royal Academy’s meetings, and key theoretical works by the Academy’s members. The study allowed for the reconstruction of the life and creative circumstances of artists commissioned to create official art, as well as an examination of their social standing. This facilitates a more nuanced understanding of the artistic milieu of eighteenth-century France, with particular focus on the social and creative interactions that characterized the artistic community of the era.

The article examines how the programmes of population censuses conducted in Russia between 1897 and 1937 reflected the dynamics of perceptions of major ethnocultural identities. Among the various forms of cultural identity in Russia, the most significant were linguistic, religious, and ethnic. However, the relative importance of these categories shift ed across different periods, as state priorities in promoting one or several of them evolved. The censuses of 1897, 1920, 1926, and 1937 vividly reveal transformations in this hierarchy of identities. Special attention is devoted to the incorporation of the category of national (ethnic) identity into census practices. In the Russian Empire of the modern era, an elite discourse emerged that proposed diverse interpretations of the nature of the ethnic (national): defining Russianness through its attributes — Orthodoxy and loyalty to the throne; defining Russianness through culture; and defining Russianness through notions of “race”, “stock”, or “blood”. For the broader Russian population, however, a presumption operated: Russian meant Orthodox and loyal to the throne (with the tacit implication of the Russian language). The study demonstrates that, in Soviet Russia, the significance of ethnic identity increased, facilitated both by the principle of national self-determination adopted by the new regime and by the administrative divisions, which were closely tied to nationality. It is therefore no coincidence that the 1920 census included, for the first time, a question on ethnic affiliation, framed as “narodnost” (“ethnic group”), which in the 1926 census was replaced with the term “nationality”. The analysis of the censuses conducted between 1897 and 1937 shows that the fundamental factors of ethnic identity in Russia — although not officially recognized in every period — were language and religion. The connection between language and ethnicity appears almost self-evident. The link between ethnicity and religion is less straightforward, yet despite the repression of religion it persisted, albeit muted; over time, however, in the structuring of identities (primary/derivative), religion and ethnicity exchanged their positions .

This article focuses on the nature of the historical process within the broad geopolitical context of the so-called Greater Eurasia. The starting point of the research is the category of “silence” as a key phenomenon in Russian and Asian history, examined in its cultural, political, and psychological dimensions. Silence manifests in various forms, starting from the hesychia in the Orthodox tradition and extending to various forms of deceptive communication, bragging, jesting, the show-off culture, and others. This concept is explored in the context of two global cognitive approaches: one based on the principle of the identity of things to themselves, and the other based on the principle of their inequality to themselves, the self-difference of all being, a deviation from oneself, where reality is seen as becoming, the transition of things into something other, and consequently, the limit of existence. The first principle formed the foundation of Western intellectual tradition, while the second dominated the spiritual traditions of Asia. The principle of self-difference implies relations of free companionship, synergy, the dynamic centration of global forces, and affirms universal similarity, the mutual penetration of opposites, where things embrace and contain each other, such that all being and the entire world seem to be preserved within themselves, becoming their own secret. Here, the singular merges with the individual, and the centripetal movement, or involution, the return to the origin of existence, turns out to be the condition for inexhaustible diversity and the hidden, perpetual continuity of life. This cognitive approach ensures great creative potential and spiritual discipline in personal and social life, through which moments of life experience are transmuted into a repertoire of typified and stylized forms of cultural practice. In this way, the timeless body of tradition is created, and the restoration of the fullness of being for all things (apocatastasis) becomes possible. Historically, the uncertainty of the structural foundations of tradition and the oblivion of the symbolic dimension of experience led to their gradual replacement by the logic of the sameness of things, characteristic of the Modern era. However, the principle of self-difference has resurfaced in the contemporary “postmodern” situation, characterized by the erosion of ideology, with history becoming a process of revealing within the depths of individual experience the perspective of a global humanity in the limitless diversity of its manifestations.

Colonialism, as a phenomenon, has long been studied within the context of European research. In recent decades, African authors have also engaged in its study, focusing particularly on the transformation of identity, which is directly linked to the legacy of colonial history. This article examines colonial mentality or “colomentality” (as coined by the renowned Nigerian musician Fela Anikulapo Kuti (1938–1987)), who emphasized that, sooner or later, it may take on an anti-colonial character. Colonial mentality is a product of a relatively short historical period and, in the historical and cultural context of Nigeria, it can be considered an integral part of both national and individual identity. Essentially, it became a “response” to the “challenge” posed by colonial powers, a result of their civilizing mission, which aimed to enlighten the “savage” black populations. The flip side of this process was the destruction of the previous Afrocentric epistemology and mentality, along with the Afrocentric worldview. Alongside the embrace of European values, there was the imposition and acceptance of double standards, the development of a tendency toward parasitic existence, and the institutionalization of segregation and violence. As a result, within the bounds of colonial mentality, two vectors of development emerged — both positive and negative. In post-colonial Nigeria, these vectors were refl ected in the revitalization of the creative energy of the local population, which manifested, on the one hand, in the dynamic development of literature, journalism, science, and entrepreneurship, and on the other, in the evolution of protest movements, which took the form of schemes and fraud. Since the mid-1970s, these movements underwent signifi cant evolution, revealing a resemblance to traditional carnival culture, acting, and play. By the turn of the 21st century, Nigeria had gained a notorious reputation as one of the most criminally corrupt countries in the world, and “Nigerian fraud” — as both a colonial and national mentality — became one of the country’s peculiar “brands” — or rather, an anti-brand.

One of the objectives of the project to develop a youth museum under the auspices of the MSU Museum of Earth Science is the popularization of scientifi c research and the creation of mechanisms for scientific and educational engagement among groups of early-career researchers. Within this framework, the annual Science Festival held at Moscow University assumes particular importance. Since 2016 the Museum of Earth Science has collaborated with the scientific and educational expedition Flotilla of Floating Universities, which ope rates in the Volga, Don, and Caspian regions. Presenting the youth museum as a mobile and network-based project at the Science Festival has proven most eff ective when combining three mechanisms: the exhibition format — temporary display of natural specimens and artifacts collected by young naturalists during expeditions; the presentational format — demonstration of popular-science books, films, and scholarly works produced with the participation of young colleagues; and the interactive format — the organization of specially designed engagement platforms. This approach was tested at the All-Russian Science Festival held on the MSU campus in 2023–2024. The exhibition featured finds from the Flotilla of Floating Universities (including prize-winning entries from the first All-Russian competition Youth and Museum) in the Volga region, and was displayed in the pavilions of the Museum of Earth Science and the MSU University Gymnasium. Key products created in collaboration with the youth museum project included the book Vernadism in the Contemporary University and the popular-science film The Brotherhood of Scientific Creativity: Vladimir Vernadsky’s Floating University, continuously screened throughout the event. Specially designed interactive platforms were also presented, including Virtual Reality in Museum Space: VR-Travel into the Geological Past of the East European Plain (developed by winners of the Youth and Museum competition), which enabled visitors to experience participation in an actual Flotilla of Floating Universities scientific expedition through VR technologies and curated video content, and S.N. Vinogradsky’s Column: A Living Demonstration of Ecosystem Evolution in Real Time. In addition, an expeditionarylaboratory practicum, Cosmic Traces on Earth, was conducted by students of the MSU University Gymnasium.

The focal point of this study is the analysis of textbooks and educational materials dedicated to the events of World War II and the Great Patriotic War. The research draws on books published in eight post-Soviet states: the Russian Federation, the Republic of Belarus, Ukraine, the Republic of Azerbaijan, the Republic of Uzbekistan, the Republic of Kazakhstan, the Kyrgyz Republic, and the Republic of Tajikistan. The authors aim to assess the extent to which the historical truth regarding these two major wars of the twentieth century is preserved in these countries, or whether the causes, events, and outcomes of these wars are misrepresented. This study aligns with recent legislative measures in the Russian Federation, including amendments to the Constitution of the Russian Federation, the Presidential Decree No. 400 “On the Strategy of National Security of the Russian Federation” (2 July 2021), and the Presidential Decree No. 611 “On Approving the Concept of Humanitarian Policy of the Russian Federation Abroad” (5 September 2022). These documents emphasize the careful and impartial study of the history of Russian statehood at all stages of its development. A key milestone in this context is the Great Patriotic War, which, in some countries that were once part of the USSR, has been reassessed from perspectives that foster the “detachment” of both younger generations — schoolchildren and students — and older generations from the heroic past of their countries. This state-driven approach is intertwined with the shaping of public opinion aimed at distorting the image of true heroes and creating myths about how many opponents of Soviet power were supposedly representatives of the national interests of the majority of the populations in certain national republics of the USSR. As evidenced by the case of Ukraine, this trajectory — specifically, the establishment of a state-sanctioned nationalist ideology — leads not only to societal division but also to civil unrest.

The history of Soviet journalism during the Great Patriotic War has been fairly well researched. Studies on the history of journalism typically analyze how military events were covered in the media and the picture of the war that journalists created. However, the experience of Soviet war correspondents during the war has been scarcely studied. Th is article proposes a different approach to the analysis of the accumulated historical material, specifically: it examines the emotional and psychological state of journalists at war, the peculiarities of their work and daily life. The empirical basis of the research includes both the wartime diaries and the memoirs of Soviet journalists written in the postwar period. A broad array of material has been analyzed, allowing the structure of the study to focus on the war correspondent themselves. The study identifies a range of issues faced by war correspondents during the Great Patriotic War, such as professional problems of selecting information for publication, specific methods of gathering material, as well as ethical dilemmas, and the emotional overloads experienced by journalists. The most informative source for this research was the memoirs of the chief editor of the central military newspaper Red Star, D.I. Ortenberg. His focus was on the working conditions, impressions, and difficulties faced by journalists when selecting topics for publication and interpreting the events they encountered. To a certain extent, the portrayal of their own work in wartime is reflected in the correspondents’ publications, although during military actions, many facts could not be written about due to censorship or ideological restrictions. This study also addresses the topic of “truthfulness” — the truth about the war, as understood by journalists, participants, and witnesses of the events. The research is relevant for analyzing the work of contemporary Russian war correspondents, despite historical differences. It highlights a range of professional, ethical, and psychological issues faced by journalists who carry out their duties in wartime conditions or conflict situations.

Considerable scholarly and public interest has been drawn to political emotions as a crucial component of mass consciousness. To understand the period of Russian history preceding the revolutionary crisis of 1917 and continuing after the fall of tsarism, it is important to analyze the genesis and dynamics of political emotions that encompassed all strata of society and, to a significant extent, shaped political behavior. This problem is explored in V.B. Aksenov’s recent book The War of Patriotisms. Propaganda and Mass Sentiments in Russia during the Collapse of Empire (2023). Among the most salient emotions of this transformative time was patriotism, which manifested itself in diverse and often sharply contrasting forms. These various “patriotisms” reflected both affective bonds of friendship, love, and solidarity within groups, and emotions directed outward — anger and rejection of the “other”. Propaganda, exerting strong influence on the psycho-emotional condition of society, played a key role in shaping the dynamics of the affective components of mass consciousness during the empire’s collapse, generating different versions not only of patriotic awareness but also of political behavior. The centrality of emotions and affects in the formation of collective identities intensified propagandistic appeals to such concepts as “fatherland,” “people,” and “national community”. In late-imperial Russia, multiple versions of patriotism coexisted and frequently overlapped, including loyalist, conservative, statist, paternalist, military, civic, and revolutionary forms, each with its own ideological coloring. Yet an “ideology of patriotism”, were such a thing to exist, would necessarily be constructed around the search for markers — whether in the past, present, or imagined future — of an idealized, better country as the object of patriotic feeling. The history of Russia, as elsewhere, shows that patriotism, as a predominantly affective sentiment, is not identical with a rationally articulated and conceptually coherent system of ideas, that is, an ideology. Equally important is the problem of the historical genesis of patriotism: it emerges when essentially medieval loyalty to a suzerain gives way to loyalty to the fatherland and to fellow citizens.

Several 18th century missionary projects to christianize the Indians of New England clearly show the desire of Puritan missionaries to achieve the Anglicization of the Indians, that is, their assimilation into the English-speaking environment, which implied the rejection of traditional Indian culture and way of life, the imposition of English culture and value system, and the inclusion of North American Indians in the orbit of British colonial interests.. The crowning achievement of these efforts was the establishment of Dartmouth College in 1769. In the minds of the New England colonists, the image of the Indian — a treacherous pagan barbarian leading an unworthy life — was undoubtedly dominant. In discussing the difficulty of converting Indians to Christianity, especially Protestantism, researchers point out the enormous cultural differences: conversion to Christianity, in addition to changing faith, required Indians to adopt a whole range of new cultural practices, from restrictive sexual rules and patriarchal gender roles to a market lifestyle and European styles of dress and behavior. Condemning the traditional culture of the Indians, Puritan missionaries John Sargent, Eleazar Wheelock and others sought to impose on them a completely different way of life. They believed that the economic structure based on hunting and seasonal movement from one place of residence to another was the main obstacle to the christianization and civilization of the Indians. Even when attending Protestant religious services and being baptized, most Indians did not break with traditional Indian culture and maintained their commitment to their traditional lifestyle. The attitude that Christian Indians encountered in Puritan communities was hardly reminiscent of equality. The Indians complained about prejudice against them, and were constantly forced to repent of the sin of drunkenness. As a result, many converted Indians preferred to form their own congregations. Narragansett Samuel Niles, Mohegan Samuel Ashpo created Christian communities for Indians that were not controlled by white missionaries. They combined Protestantism with elements of traditional Indian culture, which shocked observers. Even the seemingly exemplary Christianized Indian — Samson Occom — retained a “dual” identity and talked about the vices of white society and the unfair treatment of the indigenous population of America

The author addresses the question of the reliability of the acts of the Synod of Split (925), which remains open to doubt, given that these documents survive only in the so-called Historia Salonitana maior, the earliest manuscript of which dates to the early sixteenth century. Convened in the metropolitan province of Salon (Split) under the jurisdiction of the Roman Church, the synod is of particular significance for its provisions concerning the Slavic (Croatian) population along the Adriatic coast. The article presents a methodology for assessing the congruence of the Split material with the ecclesio-political and legal context of the age, conventionally designated as the Carolingian period, through the close examination of a single canon. The focus of this study is on Canon 14, which draws upon Gospel texts that held a prominent place in European ecclesiastical practice of the period. Its opening clause prohibits divorce, permitting it only in cases of adultery, and, in such instances, forbids the husband to remarry. The canon’s second clause is understood to have urged the Slavs to instruct their children and household slaves in literacy, with the aim of identifying suitable candidates for the priesthood — men best fitted to carry out pastoral duties within their own communities. By comparing this provision with a range of sources, including Frankish royal and imperial capitularies, legal compilations such as the Collectio Dionysiana, and episcopal capitularies like Regino of Prüm’s collection, which systematized Carolingian material, the author demonstrates its full consonance with contemporary European practice, while advancing new interpretations, particularly the inference that children placed in training were intended for ordination. The author observes that this comparative method is equally applicable to other synodal acts; nonetheless, the constraints of space make it impossible to address the full range of matters discussed at the Synod within the scope of this article.

This article seeks to identify the distinctive features of costume-inflected portraiture of Russian tsarevnas in the age of Peter I within the broader context of European art. The characteristics of the costumed portrait as a distinct type in Russia are examined through comparison with portrait images of princesses from European dynasties. Whereas portraits of Russian tsarevnas have not previously been treated as a separate category, this study proposes to consider them as a particular variety of the female portrait in the early modern period. The article focuses on the allegorical personae most frequently encountered in portraits of tsarevnas and princesses, above all Flora and Diana. The specific character of their Russian articulation was shaped in large measure by the defining features of Petrine painting, with its urgent imperative to assimilate the possibilities of early modern art. The logic of this development determined both the reliance on an already established Western European artistic tradition, mediated by foreign masters such as Louis Caravaque, and the relative restraint of the range of classical personae in comparison with other European national schools. The Western European tradition is represented here by examples drawn from French, English, and Italian painting. A comparative iconographic analysis, informed by the historical and cultural contexts in which these portraits were produced, makes it possible to discern new layers of meaning within them. Costumed portraits fulfilled a crucial representational function, situating royal women within an elevated mythic realm shared across European artistic culture, a framework through which their virtues, chastity, and the natural beauty refined by court culture could be articulated. Tsarevnas and princesses were conventionally cast both as patrons of culture and as desirable brides whose advantageous dynastic marriages might exert considerable influence on international relations. A central task for artists was to maintain an equilibrium between the sitter's individual features and the broadly legible allegorical persona, rooted in European culture, that she was made to embody. Accessories and attributes played a particularly significant role in such images, for they enabled viewers to identify the figure whom the sitter personified.

This article examines nostalgia as a mode of representing the historical past and as an indicator of changing attitudes toward history. The relevance of the study stems not only from the persistent presence of nostalgic narratives in the media but also from the insufficient development of analytical tools capable of capturing this phenomenon comprehensively amid the digital transformation of the information environment. The article argues that nostalgia is no longer confined to the realm of personal experience but has increasingly become a public phenomenon actively employed in the construction of collective identity and the shaping of emotionally charged media agendas. The analysis draws on materials published by two Russian media outlets, Argumenty i Fakty and Gazeta.Ru, between 2005 and 2025. Unlike previous studies that have tended to offer static accounts of nostalgia, this research proposes a dynamic model of its evolution by comparing three chronological snapshots — 2005, 2015, and 2025 — and combining quantitative and qualitative methods. A content analysis of 100 publications reveals shifts in the objects of nostalgia, its functions within media texts, and the modes through which the past is represented, as well as an increasing blurring of the temporal boundaries of nostalgic experience. Across the period under study, depending on context, nostalgia may function as the central theme of a text, a secondary argumentative device, a background element, or an object of explicit rejection. It is predominantly endowed with positive, and less frequently ambivalent, emotional connotations and may serve as a means of constructing collective identity. The findings demonstrate that over the course of two decades, nostalgia evolved from a form of "quiet reflection on a lost everyday world", through the "collecting of the material culture of the 1990s", into an "emotional and marketing resource" that may be mobilized, criticized, or rejected. Particular attention is paid to three recurring objects of nostalgia — film and literature, technology and gadgets, and the Soviet past as a historical era — whose evolution reflects a gradual shift from nostalgia centred on tangible objects toward nostalgia for emotional states, experiences, and ways of feeling. The findings make it possible to trace broader transformations in historical memory and public sentiment within Russian media discourse over the past two decades.

This article commemorates Valery Ivanovich Bovykin, professor at the Faculty of History of Lomonosov Moscow State University, on the centenary of his birth in January 2027. His scholarly and teaching career was closely bound to the Faculty of History, where he made a major contribution to the development of the Department of Source Studies. V.I. Bovykin was an internationally recognized authority on Russian history at the turn of the 20th century. His wide-ranging scholarship encompassed the social, economic, financial, and banking history of pre-revolutionary Russia, foreign policy and international relations, source studies, archival research methods, and related fields. V.I. Bovykin's works and ideas remain relevant today and continue to play an important role in the training of young scholars and new generations of historians. An accomplished university teacher and the author of textbooks, teaching materials, and course programs, he supervised nearly one hundred undergraduate theses. More than thirty dissertations for the Candidate of Sciences degree were completed under his supervision. V.I. Bovykin taught general lecture courses and seminars, developed numerous specialized courses on major issues in historical scholarship, and supervised various forms of student research and practical training. The article traces the principal stages of V.I. Bovykin's academic and teaching career and examines his role in establishing an influential school of Russian historical scholarship at Moscow University. It explores his development as both a researcher and mentor, outlines the main areas of his research, and considers the distinctive features of his teaching methods and his approach to mentoring students. The article also draws on the recollections of V.I. Bovykin's former students, many of whom later became prominent scholars and university teachers. The authors synthesize these various aspects of V.I. Bovykin's work and examine how the Department of Source Studies at the Faculty of History of Moscow University continues to promote his scholarly and teaching legacy and to preserve his memory among faculty, postgraduate students, and undergraduates.

The article highlights the contribution of Lomonosov Moscow State University to the advancement of Soviet scholarship and higher education during the 1950s and 1960s. It examines previously underexplored aspects of the University's academic life in this period, including the activities of its dissertation councils. Produced within the framework of the federal historical and patriotic project People's Commissars of the Great Victory, the study seeks to contribute to a scholarly biography of the "commander-in-chief of the financial front", Arseny Grigorievich Zverev (1900–1969), an eminent Soviet statesman who headed the country's financial administration for more than two decades as People's Commissar and subsequently Minister of Finance of the USSR. In order to broaden and update the agenda of Russian historical and biographical studies, the article sets out to illuminate both insufficiently researched and hitherto entirely unexplored episodes in Zverev's life and career, substantiating them with reliable and carefully verified historical evidence. Particular attention is devoted to Zverev's preparation and defence of his doctoral dissertation at Moscow State University in 1959. The article demonstrates that this event provided an important impetus for his subsequent scholarly and teaching activities at the Institute of Economics of the Russian Academy of Sciences and the All-Union Correspondence Institute of Finance and Economics. The study argues that A.G. Zverev, a prominent Soviet statesman, a notable representative of the first generation of the Soviet scholarly intelligentsia, Doctor of Economic Sciences and Professor, made a significant contribution to the study of major issues in Soviet economic scholarship, as well as to the training of specialists and researchers for the country's financial sector. Alongside documents from the State Archive of the Russian Federation and the Russian State Archive of the Economy, the source base of the study includes previously unpublished administrative records introduced into scholarly circulation for the first time: copies of A.G. Zverev's personal files obtained, following an official request by the Federal Treasury, from the Central Archive of the Ministry of Defence of the Russian Federation, the Central State Archive of the City of Moscow, the Federal State Institution Insurance Fund Records Storage Centre in Yalutorovsk, Tyumen Region, and the archives of the Institute of Economics of the Russian Academy of Sciences and the Financial University under the Government of the Russian Federation.

Despite a substantial body of scholarship on Lomonosov Moscow State University during the Great Patriotic War, significant gaps remain in our understanding of its institutional functioning under wartime conditions. This is largely due to a historiographical emphasis on the military service and personal sacrifice of MSU faculty, staff, and students, while the university as an institution has rarely been examined in its own right. The exceptional conditions of wartime transformed relations both within MSU and across the wider system of higher education administered by the People's Commissariat for Education, as institutions were dissolved, merged, and reorganized. They also altered the university's relationship with state authorities, particularly through the mobilization of students into the people's militia, the Red Army, and the labor front. These changes prompted the creation of new administrative posts, including special representatives appointed by the rector and individual faculties, as well as new organizational units within MSU, and generated a distinctive body of wartime documentation. The article draws on archival materials from two repositories — the MSU Archive and the Central State Archive of Moscow — documenting the activities of Moscow State University and the Moscow Institute of Philosophy, Literature, and History (MIFLI) between 1941 and 1945. It also makes use of wartime issues of the newspaper Moskovskii universitet (Moscow University). Taken together, these sources shed new light on the activities of individual members of the university community as well as entire MSU departments and administrative units during the Great Patriotic War. In particular, the archival evidence calls into question the view, well established in memoir literature, that the MSU administration lacked direction and that its actions were poorly coordinated. A memorandum prepared by acting rector B.P. Orlov in early 1942 indicates that the university maintained careful records of the whereabouts of its faculty, staff, and students. The evacuation and subsequent re-evacuation were likewise carried out in an orderly and coordinated manner. The loss of a portion of the university's wartime records was due not to administrative negligence, but to a fire in the building occupied by MSU in Sverdlovsk. The article also presents preliminary results of the interfaculty research project MSU during the Great Patriotic War: New Discoveries, initiated by the MSU Rectorate in 2025.

The legacy of Petr Berngardovich Struve as a historian has received considerably less scholarly attention than his contributions to social thought, economic theory, and political journalism. Struve produced relatively few works devoted specifically to Russian history. In a number of shorter publications written before the Revolution, however, he formulated the idea of a Great Russia and situated it within the broader context of Russian historical development. Several of his articles were devoted to Russian historians, primarily in connection with his interest in the formation of Russian national consciousness. Struve's principal historical work, The Social and Economic History of Russia from the Earliest Times to the Present, in Connection with the Development of Russian Culture and the Growth of Russian Statehood, remained unfinished, yet may nevertheless be regarded as a major contribution to the traditions not only of Russian historiography but also of Russian historiosophy. The work reveals the close relationship between Struve's conception of history and his understanding of nationalism and patriotism and, in effect, articulates a distinctive "philosophy of patriotism". In Struve's interpretation, patriotism and nationalism are essentially identical concepts, representing two manifestations of national sentiment. The article draws particular attention to the contradictions inherent in Struve's concept of "true nationalism", whose only genuine form, in his view, was liberalism. During his years in emigration, the complexity and internal tensions of his understanding of these concepts became especially apparent on the eve of and during the Second World War, when the Russian émigré community was compelled to define its attitude toward Bolshevik rule against the background of the threat to Russia's independence. The divergence between Struve's theoretical convictions and his practical political position – most notably in relation to Russia and Germany — became evident in his publications of the 1930s. Although the intensity of the controversy within the Russian émigré milieu over this issue has already been examined in the scholarly literature, the documents discussed in the present article, particularly the testimony of Struve's close friend E.D. Kuskova, add important detail to the picture of the dramatic inner "split" between Struve the scholar and Struve the political thinker.

In interwar Germany, the recovery of the colonial possessions lost under the Treaty of Versailles of 1919 remained an important political objective for colonial revisionists. Heinrich Schnee, the last governor of German East Africa, emerged as one of the movement's leading figures. This article examines the range of activities through which Schnee sought to restore Germany's standing as a colonial power and secure the return of its former overseas territories. Its scholarly contribution lies in considering Schnee's role across both the Weimar and Nazi periods, a subject that has received limited attention in Russian historiography. During the 1920s, Schnee developed and vigorously promoted the claim that Germany must combat the so-called "colonial lie" — accusations of incompetence and brutality in German colonial rule that, in his view, had been used by the victorious powers to justify depriving Germany of its overseas possessions. He pursued this campaign through a wide range of channels, including political journalism and books published in several foreign languages, speeches in the Reichstag, leadership of influential colonial organizations such as the German Colonial Society, and the cultivation of ties with prominent political figures, among them Reich President Paul von Hindenburg and Foreign Minister Gustav Stresemann. The findings suggest that Schnee's extensive public and organizational activities helped keep the colonial question on the political agenda of the Weimar Republic. His rhetoric also contributed, to some extent, to undermining the legitimacy of the democratic order and to the broader radicalization of public opinion. After the Nazi seizure of power, however, his political influence declined sharply. Despite joining the NSDAP and openly demonstrating his loyalty to the new regime, Schnee found himself increasingly sidelined. The Nazi leadership shifted its foreign-policy priorities toward the acquisition of Lebensraum in Eastern Europe, while control over the colonial movement passed increasingly into the hands of party organizations. Schnee's career thus reflects the broader evolution of German colonial revisionism in the interwar period. Having contributed to the delegitimization of Weimar democracy, the movement was ultimately pushed to the margins under the Third Reich, as its aims increasingly diverged from the regime's wider geopolitical priorities.

Marcus Sergius Silus and Lucius Sergius Catilina are among the best-known members of the patrician gens Sergia. Their reputations in the ancient tradition could hardly be more different: Silus, according to Pliny the Elder and Solinus, was the most valiant warrior in Roman history, Catilina came to be remembered as one of its most notorious villains. The question is not only how far this stark opposition, firmly entrenched in the ancient tradition, is justified, but also how Catilina himself drew upon the memory of his ancestor in his political self-presentation. The former question has received some attention in scholarship on Sergius Silus, with scholars noting several parallels between the two men; the latter, however, has yet to be examined. Catilina was well acquainted with his great-grandfather's heroic achievements, preserved both in Roman collective memory and within the gens Sergia itself. One important indication of the continuing prominence of Silus within this family tradition is the issue, in the late second or early first century BCE, of a silver denarius bearing his image. Great-grandfather and great-grandson shared several notable traits, including physical endurance, strength of character, perseverance, and a propensity for risk-taking. It is therefore plausible that Catilina regarded Silus as a model from an early age and consciously sought to emulate him. In his political career, Catilina appears to have invoked the memory of his heroic ancestor in different ways. In 64 BCE, while competing with Cicero and members of the nobilitas, he could draw on the antiquity of his lineage and on the services his ancestors had rendered to the Roman people, well-established elements of aristocratic political self-presentation. In 63 BCE, however, Marcus Sergius may have acquired a different significance as an ancestral exemplar: a man who had overcome his rivals' opposition and ultimately reached the peak of power. For Pliny and Solinus, the crucial distinction between the two Sergii lay in the ends they pursued. The great-grandfather devoted his courage and abilities to his fellow citizens and the interests of the res publica, whereas the great-grandson was driven by personal ambition, which ultimately made him an enemy of res publica libera. Once this difference in purpose is set aside, however, the remarkable similarities between Silus and Catilina come into sharper focus — similarities of which Catilina himself could hardly have been unaware. This perspective reveals a more nuanced image of Catilina. It allows us to move beyond the conventional portrayal of an impoverished aristocrat sustained by memories of his family's former glory. This, in turn, adds another dimension to our understanding of Roman political life in the 60s BCE.

The article examines soldiers' attitudes toward two prominent figures of the February Revolution, M.V. Rodzianko and A.F. Kerensky, from March to early May 1917. The study draws on a substantial body of so-called "letters to the authorities", preserved in the archival collections of the State Archive of the Russian Federation and the Russian State Historical Archive. The research is based on materials from the State Duma, the Provisional Government, the Ministry of Justice, as well as the personal archive of A.F. Kerensky. Soldiers' congratulatory and greeting addresses provide valuable evidence for tracing the formation of public images of the leaders associated with the revolutionary events of February and early March 1917. In Russian historiography, Minister of Justice A.F. Kerensky has traditionally been regarded as one of the principal leaders of the revolution, whereas M.V. Rodzianko, Chairman of the Provisional Committee of the State Duma, has generally not been accorded a comparable status. The introduction of soldiers' "letters to the authorities" into the analysis offers grounds for reconsidering these established historiographical interpretations. An examination of soldiers' greeting addresses dating from March to early May 1917 reveals how rank-and-file servicemen perceived the activities of M.V. Rodzianko and A.F. Kerensky during the February Revolution in Petrograd and allows for an analysis of the characteristics and qualities attributed to them by soldiers themselves. These addresses shed light on developments both on the home front and at the front and help identify the principal demands addressed to the Chairman of the State Duma and the Minister of Justice following the victory of the revolution, up to the formation of the Provisional Government's first coalition cabinet and Kerensky's departure from the Ministry of Justice. The study demonstrates that soldiers tended to perceive M.V. Rodzianko as a leader of the revolution, whereas A.F. Kerensky was more often viewed as a defender of the people to whom requests, appeals, and expectations could be addressed. These findings contribute to a more nuanced understanding of political authority and leadership during the revolutionary upheaval of 1917 in Russia.

Colonial rule did not eradicate the key social and political institutions of indigenous societies. Their continued existence, although often in forms substantially transformed since the precolonial period, still plays a major role in shaping the specific trajectories of nation-building in postcolonial states. Among these institutions are the so-called traditional rulers. During the first decades following decolonization, governments in many postcolonial countries sought to deprive "indigenous rulers" of political authority as part of broader attempts to overcome ethnicity in the name of nation-building. Yet "indigenous authorities" proved remarkably resilient. Their endurance was rooted not only, or even primarily, in their practical effectiveness under modern conditions, but in the persistent legitimacy they retained in the public consciousness. At the same time, the postcolonial states of Africa, Asia, and Oceania have witnessed neither a straightforward restoration nor simple preservation of precolonial indigenous political institutions. Rather, these institutions have undergone further transformation, driven by the fundamental fact that, as in the colonial period, they no longer represent sovereign polities but are incorporated into modern — and postmodern — state structures. By the 1990s, it had become evident that a more realistic and effective approach was not to await the disappearance of "chiefs" and "kings", nor to exclude them from postcolonial political systems as collaborators of colonial powers or as obsolete symbols of backwardness. Instead, the prevailing tendency was to integrate them into those systems, encourage the bureaucratization of "indigenous" institutions, and redirect them toward "modern" national objectives, while continuing to concentrate substantive political power in the institutions of the nation-state. Such integration, in turn, offered a means of overcoming tribalism as an obstacle to nation-building. Tribalism becomes an impediment to nation-building only where, owing to a lack of historical preconditions and deliberate policies on the part of "modern authorities", "indigenous authorities" have not been effectively incorporated into the political system of the postcolonial state. The continued existence of indigenous political institutions, therefore, does not in itself constitute a threat to the formation of a postcolonial nation-state.

The article analyses three texts from the second quarter of the 16th century, dedicated to works of ecclesiastical art and architecture, and contained in the Novgorod chronicles. These can be identified as three precisely dated entries, in which individual objects and complexes created in Novgorod on the orders of the Novgorod Metropolitan Macarius and the abbot of the Novgorod Khutyn Monastery Theodosius are described in considerable detail. The first text, which represents a true ekphrasis, describes the royal gates of the iconostasis of the Novgorod St. Sophia Cathedral and the monumental painting adorning the western facade of the cathedral (1527/1528). The second text provides a detailed description in 1533. Finally, the third chronicle entry, dated 1535, discusses the Church of St. Gregory of Armenia in the Novgorod suburban monastery of the Transfi guration of the Savior at Khutyn. The architectural design of the church is notable for its octagonal shape, the presence of five entrances, the positioning of bells at the uppermost point, and the crowning of the structure with a solitary dome. The chronicle names the architect of this building — the Tver master Ermola — and emphasizes that there were no such buildings in the city before, although the church of 1535 was preceded by a small bell tower church from 1445, built at the request of the Novgorod Archbishop Euphemios II. The descriptions under consideration in this article are distinguished not only by literary processing, as evidenced by the use of elevated epithets and the highlighting of the unusualness of the objects and their sizes, but also by attention to detail. This attention enabled the author of the Novgorod ekphrases to “see” not only the number of corners, sculptures, or icon inserts, but also some features of the forms. These texts can be regarded as early manifestations of an inclination towards aesthetic form, which can be termed an interest in art in general. The descriptions are incomplete and fragmented, but they already reveal a historical and persistent view, characteristic of the scribes of the late Middle Ages.

The Department of Archaeology at the Faculty of History of Lomonosov Moscow State University celebrated three anniversaries in the 2024/2025 academic year: the present year marks the 85th anniversary of the department, the 90th anniversary of the Faculty of History, and the 270th anniversary of Moscow University. Archaeology was sporadically taught at Moscow University as early as the first third of the 19th century, and regular scholarly and teaching activities in the field of archaeology were initiated in 1880 by Professor D.N. Anuchin. The Department of Archaeology was preceded by the Archaeological Section of the Faculty of Social Sciences, which was founded in 1921 by V.A. Gorodtsov. The Department of Archaeology at the Faculty of History was established and headed by A.V. Artsikhovsky, a student of Gorodtsov, in 1939. The work of A.V. Artsikhovsky was subsequently continued by V.L. Yanin, who occupied the position of department head from 1978 until 2016. Following the inaugural graduation of archaeologists in 1940, the department has consistently produced a significant number of specialists in the field. By the summer of 2024, a total of 859 graduates, including both bachelors and masters, had completed their studies from the department. Of these, 346 (40.2% of the total graduates) subsequently defended their candidate dissertations, and 114 (13.2%) defended their doctoral theses. In accordance with the traditions established by eminent scholars who have previously headed the department, as well as other distinguished specialists, the staff of the Department of Archaeology continue to actively engage in scientific and pedagogical activities. In recent years, there has been an updating of traditional courses, and the development of a number of new elective special courses. It is noteworthy that the vast majority of departmental personnel (17 out of 18) have engaged in a wide range of research activities encompassing diverse fieldwork, laboratory-based research, and office-based research. In the period spanning 2020 to 2024, the number of articles published by the researchers in leading journals, including those in the top-25, totalled 118. In addition, the researchers have published 122 articles in collected volumes, two personal monographs, and one collective monograph, as well as chapters in collective works. The department has organized seven expeditions (with student and postgraduate internships), which have researched various archaeological sites, ranging from the Paleolithic to the Middle Ages, from Veliky Novgorod in the north to the Central Caucasus in the south, and from Smolensk in the west to the Southern Urals in the east.

The article explores the history of the Department of Foreign Languages in the Faculty of History of Lomonosov Moscow State University. This history is presented within the broader context of foreign language instruction at Moscow University, which began with the university’s foundation. Initially introduced as an auxiliary academic subject, foreign languages gradually gained the significant role they hold today, particularly in the Faculty of History. A period of almost 200 years elapsed between the initial appointment of foreign language instructors, who included historians, and the establishment of dedicated foreign language departments at the university. The establishment of the Department of Foreign Languages in the Faculty of History in 1965 was a response to the necessity for foreign language training to be incorporated into the broader framework of university-level historical education. The seminal contributions of E.A. Bondi to the realm of professional foreign language training for history students have been instrumental in establishing a paradigm shift towards an organic unity of foreign language teaching and history. The leadership of the department by S.G. Ter-Minasova signifies a new phase of productive activity in the theory and practice of teaching professionally oriented foreign languages to students of history and art history. The department makes a significant contribution to the education of students receiving a historical education with a high level of foreign language proficiency. The primary focus of its work is interaction and cooperation with history departments in educational and scientific activities, as well as the methodological development of the linguistic foundations of foreign language teaching for future historians to carry out their professional activities. The department accords considerable importance to the cultivation of student creativity, acknowledging its pivotal function in enhancing foreign language proficiency. The Department of Foreign Languages in the Faculty of History is commemorating the 270th anniversary of Moscow University with a significant contribution to the training of historians and art historians who have a strong proficiency in foreign languages and have achieved notable professional success, including the creation of more than two hundred textbooks, teaching aids and dictionaries.

It is only possible to comprehend the logic of the formation and development of ethnography (ethnology) as a discipline at Moscow University if one is aware of its context(s). Primarily, this is a disciplinary context, as evidenced by its long-term and decisive influence on ethnography within the university environment. The development of ethnology as a discipline has been shaped by a dynamic socio-historical context, which has exerted and continues to exert a significant influence on its evolution. The establishment and institutionalization of ethnology in Russia occurred in the second half of the 19th century. During the 1880s, two distinct trends began to emerge in the organization of ethnological education. One of these trends integrated ethnological education into the context of the natural sciences, while the other placed it within the broader historical and humanitarian context. In the early decades of the 20th century Russian ethnography possessed serious potential, including the ability for independent original theorization. During the Soviet era, ethnography experienced significant development, both as a scholarly discipline and as a formally recognized academic department. Since 1939, ethnography within the university has undergone phases of institutionalization (S.P. Tolstov and N.N. Cheboksarov). The concept of ethnographic education was formed, substantial scientific research and expeditionary activities were carried out, and the profession developed an attractive image. The stability and conservative ethos of Moscow University and its academic community enabled the department to successfully navigate the period of social and political turbulence (the late 1980s — 1990s), thereby preserving the foundational aspects of the professional training system and introducing necessary innovations (V.V. Pimenov). At the beginning of the twenty first century, ethnology as a discipline underwent a significant development, marked by an anthropological turn in research and methodology. The anthropological approach was integrated into the academic framework of professional education at Moscow University, serving as a complement to, rather than a replacement for, the prevailing ethnographic and ethnological methodologies (A.A. Nikishenkov, D.A. Funk). The Department of Ethnology has recently been experiencing an increase in student enrolment, while concurrently maintaining a judicious balance between ethnographic, ethnological and anthropological components. It is noteworthy that the department has adopted an interdisciplinary stance and has instituted measures to ensure the seamless transmission of professional tradition in close collaboration with academic science.

The article examines the key events and trends associated with the establishment and development of the “Belarusian Studies, History of Belarus and the Belarusian Diaspora” academic programme at the Faculty of History, Lomonosov Moscow State University. For the first time, it introduces data on the main stages of intergovernmental cooperation between the Faculty of History at Moscow State University and leading Belarusian educational and scientific centres involved in the study and teaching of history. These centres include the Faculty of History of Belarusian State University, the Institute of History of the National Academy of Sciences of Belarus, the Academy of Management under the President of the Republic of Belarus, and others. The article identifies the initiative contributions of national-cultural autonomies, public organizations, and associations of the Belarusian diaspora in Russia and worldwide to this process. The key results of the joint activities between historians from the Union State are highlighted, including the creation of the academic programme “Belarusian Studies, History of Belarus and the Belarusian Diaspora”, the launch of the first Russian-Belarusian international joint master’s programme off ering dual qualifications from Lomonosov Moscow State University and Belarusian State University in “History of the Belarusian Diaspora”, the creation of the unique format of inter-university event “Days of Friendship between Lomonosov Moscow State University and Belarusian State University”, the establishment of the Archive of the Belarusian Diaspora History and the Belarusian Scientific Literature Cabinet at the Faculty of History, and the regular organization of scientific events involving representatives of the Moscow University History Faculty and Belarusian historians. The article also discusses projects in which the Faculty of History played an active role, which have since become significant intergovernmental initiatives, including the establishment of the Russian-Belarusian Expert and Consulting Council on History. The final conclusion is that the Faculty of History at Lomonosov Moscow State University has made a special contribution to the formation of a unified Russian- Belarusian socio-humanitarian space. Within the framework of this collaboration, a unique Russian-Belarusian intergovernmental unifi ed scientific school is being systematically established.

The article examines the development of 3D modelling for the virtual reconstruction of cultural heritage sites that are entirely lost or partially preserved. This research direction emerged in Russia in the early 21st century. The Department of Historical Informatics at the Faculty of History, Lomonosov Moscow State University, is the preeminent scientific and educational center in this field. The article draws upon materials prepared by the department’s staff and other Russian researchers, and outlines modern approaches to implementing projects related to the creation of 3D models of various monuments of Russian cultural heritage. Moreover, an analysis is conducted of the issues that have accumulated over a period of twenty-five years of work in this area. The reconstructed objects include churches and monastic complexes, historical urban buildings that have since disappeared, industrial structures, noble estates (not only the exteriors of manor houses but also their interiors, as well as the surrounding park ensembles and other natural recreational complexes), the study of Emperor Nicholas I, postal and railway stations of the late 19th century, a 19th-century prison castle, revenue houses, and residential interiors of notable figures, as well as historical costumes. The paper presents a systematic overview of the data concerning the source base of 3D modelling of historical objects, with a particular emphasis on the distinctive characteristics of the analysis of its constituent elements. It provides examples of specifi c objects virtually reconstructed by the Department of Historical Informatics. In addition to the reconstruction of specifi c buildings, VR and AR technologies were utilized to recreate entire urban spatial environments in which these objects once existed. These reconstructions, when coupled with their historical contexts, can be exhibited on smartphones and tablets, thereby markedly enhancing the utilization of 3D modelling outcomes in educational tours and activities. The author concludes with a discussion of the potential for applying developments in virtual reconstruction of historical objects in museum exhibitions and in the preparation of restoration projects for surviving historical structures.

The article examines the contradictory results of the evolution of historiography of US political history in the late twentieth and early twenty first centuries. In the context of the multiplicity of research paradigms, it analyses the theoretical and methodological approaches that led to the renewal of the foundations of American historiography and identifi es the key trends that emerged on the basis of interdisciplinary alliances. The rejection of the study of the legacy of “great figures” and the shift of attention to ordinary people of past eras, their inner world and everyday behavior led to a sharp shift from macro- to microhistory, where the main emphasis is placed on the relationship between the goals of “big” politics and the interests of a specific person, who acts simultaneously as the subject and object of power relations. Initially, research focused on the specifics of the electoral process within the concepts of “party regrouping” and “critical” elections. Subsequently, scholars shift ed their focus to the sphere of the political culture of voters. Finally, the subject of the discipline itself dissolved into the vicissitudes of social policy. The study of political history, having undergone a protracted process of evolution, has not yet developed a coherent view of the past. The interdisciplinary alliances have resulted in the active use of tools from related humanities, leading to significant fragmentation of the subject field. This has resulted in the creation of a “new” discipline characterized by amorphousness, a lack of broad conceptualization, a loss of a holistic view, and a focus on micro-level analysis, devoid of any clearly defi ned boundaries. Concurrently, a radical shift has occurred in the societal perception of political history. Nevertheless, the dissemination of scientific knowledge has concomitantly engendered a transformation in its representation. The advent of the Internet gave rise to new forms of media, facilitating direct dialogue between representatives of academic and “amateur” history. These dialogues sought to adapt scientifi c knowledge to the needs of mass culture. The academic community is confronted with the challenge of disseminating objective historical knowledge to a general audience. It is the position of some scholars that in order to bridge the gap between armchair and online knowledge, political history must be reincarnated as a “synthetic and integrative” science, in which the concept of “political” is understood as broadly as possible.

The article is devoted to an exposition of the activities of the Department of the History of Southern and Western Slavs at the Faculty of History of Moscow State University. It traces the early stages of Slavic studies in Russia, beginning during the reign of Nicholas I. The authors examine the revival of this interdisciplinary field in the interwar Soviet Union, driven largely by foreign policy considerations. The article delineates the primary phases in the development of the department, which was founded on the eve of the Great Patriotic War through the efforts of the eminent Slavist V.I. Picheta. The subsequent sections focus on the department’s evolution during the second half of the twentieth and the early twenty first century, assessing its role and significance in shaping both Soviet and post-Soviet Slavic studies. The authors emphasize the department’s guiding principles in training researchers of Slavic history, underscoring the significance of a meticulously structured curriculum and an individualized approach to working with students, graduate students and doctoral candidates. It is vital to note the particular focus that has been placed on the department’s trajectory in the wake of the Bologna system’s implementation. The article sets forth a thorough examination of the reform, its implications for the training of historians specializing in Slavic countries, and the outcomes and consequences thereof, which are predominantly negative. It delineates the specific measures that the department has initiated with the objective of optimizing the benefits of the two-tier higher education model, while concomitantly seeking to minimize its adverse effects. The article also presents recent innovations in the department’s curriculum, offering insights into newly introduced courses. Moreover, the authors address the challenges currently affecting both the educational process, including the training of young scholars, and the scholarly and teaching activities of the department’s staff . The article reflects on the recent generational renewal of faculty members, which the authors of the article view as being crucial for the preservation of academic traditions and scholarly schools. Among the department’s recent major publishing initiatives, particular mention is made of the new three-volume textbook History of the Southern and Western Slavs and the Historians-Slavists of Moscow State University series. T e article concludes with reflections on the future of Slavic studies teaching at the Faculty of History of Moscow State University.

The concept of “town”, its content, and the definition of its essence have been addressed by historians at various stages in the development of historical science. In the Russian historiography of the second half of the 19th and early 20th centuries, two main approaches to the definition of a town emerged. Representatives of one of these approaches (A.P. Prigara, I.I. Dityatin, A.A. Kiesewetter) considered all settlements called towns in the sources as towns. Conversely, an alternative conceptualization of the town emerged, centering on its role as a socio-economic category and a nexus of craft and trade (N.A. Rozhkov). This definition has become firmly established in Russian historiography and, during the Soviet period, was supplemented with the notion of the posad community as an essential social structure of the town (Ya.E. Vodarsky). In the context of Soviet historiography, there was a lively discourse surrounding the question of what criteria could be utilized to categorize a settlement as a town. The response to this enquiry possessed both theoretical and practical ramifications, including the enumeration of urban settlements, the calculation of the urban population, and the comprehension of urban network development. In contemporary academic discourse, specialists tend to consider settlements that were previously referred to as towns as such. Nevertheless, the question of the contemporary meanings attributed to the term, and the contexts in which it was used, remains unresolved. The term “town” is utilized in a variety of ways in the sources from the period under scrutiny. It is employed to denote a center of voivode authority, a center of a district, or a location where the posad community resided. A significant role was also played by the tradition related primarily to the military functions of settlements and fortifications. In the majority of cases, the center of a district, the administrative center, and the location of the posad community coincided, enabling contemporaries to perceive the urban network as a cohesive entity. Concurrently, numerous settlements exhibited an unstable and context-dependent designation of “town” suggesting that the formation of the state’s urban network was unfinished.

The article examines the informational potential of new sources on the history of the medieval Black Sea region and Byzantium from the 13th through the 15th centuries, in conjunction with recent research conducted by Russian scholars on this topic. The new sources include materials from Italian archives and archaeological discoveries in Crimea and Novorossiya. The significance of documents from the Genoese Bank of St. George is emphasized, as they have facilitated the reconstruction of administrative mechanisms in the Black Sea colonies, the interaction between these colonies and the communication between the metropolis and its colonies. These archival documents also provide information on the involvement of Russians in trade activities in Caffa, the emergence of an independent Crimean Khanate apart from the Golden Horde, and its history. It is noteworthy that published and archival Genoese documents elucidate various aspects of Genoese and Tatar interactions, including during the formation of Crimean Tatar statehood, as well as relations between Caffa and the Turks. The archival materials from the funds of Colleggio, Archives of Venice, have been instrumental in the restoration and clarification of data on Venetian commercial activity in the Black Sea region, while the documents from the Venice State Archive have elucidated the ethno-confessional relations in Tana. New interpretations of archaeological epigraphic sources related to the “Crimean Gotia” and found at a settlement located at Mangup serve to strengthen assumptions about the social structure of the Feodorites and their interactions with Latins and Mongols. The author emphasizes the efficacy of correlating archaeological data on late medieval Byzantine settlements with written sources. This correlation has facilitated the creation of a digital map of the settlements in the Sudak area. A signifi cant research trajectory within the domain of medieval history in the region pertains to the digital reconstruction of the topography of its prominent localities. This approach has already been implemented in the city of Cembalo, where a comprehensive reconstruction of its master plan has been undertaken. The comprehensive analysis of written and archaeological sources, and the correlation of their data with the historical map of Crimea, will continue.

The article traces the history of the construction of the stone synagogue in Bežun village in the Płock guberniya, and attempts to reconstruct the circumstances of its creation. The authorship of the project has been established through analysis of hitherto unpublished sources, namely archival files of the Płock State Archives and memorial books of the Płock guberniya. Contrary to the previously held view, the architect of the synagogue was determined to be Ludomir Kamiński, rather than S. Kmita, who was the author of its unrealized design. The article also puts forward hypotheses concerning the sources of architectural solutions of the first and second projects of the synagogue. Sigismund Kmita’s unrealized project is probably related to the architecture of the synagogue in Piotrków Trybunalski, which was reconstructed in 1864. Both projects have a three-part facade division, a double Gothic window above the portal and lancet windows on the side parts of the facade, as well as a perspective portal. It is conceivable that the architect Kmita, who studied at the Piotrków Gymnasium during the reconstruction of the Piotrków Synagogue, it is conceivable that he may have incorporated some of its architectural features into his Bežun design. The Piotrków synagogue exhibits a connection with the neo-Gothic synagogue type first embodied in the synagogue in Kassel, Germany, in 1832. It is important to note, however, that the Piotrków synagogue is not an isolated example of this architectural genre in Poland. Similar facade compositions can be observed in the synagogues in Łomza (1880–1881) and Łódź (1899–1904). The hypothesis that the architect Ludomir Kamiński incorporated Orientalist decorative elements into his own project, including horseshoe and lancet windows, can be substantiated by evidence that he had been acquainted with sketches of Neo-Mauritanian synagogues in Europe. The conclusions drawn in the article contribute to the study of the architecture of Central and Eastern European synagogues of the late 19th and early 20th centuries.

The article provides a concise interdisciplinary analysis of several normative legal acts adopted in 2024 by federal executive authorities of Russia and other state bodies, which are set to take eff ect in 2024. These acts pertain to the regulation of the legal status of foreign citizens and stateless persons, as well as the application of relevant migration legislation. The analysis encompasses both subordinate normative legal acts adopted by bodies of general competence (the President of the Russian Federation, the Government of the Russian Federation, the General Procuratorate of the Russian Federation) and bodies of special competence — federal executive authorities (the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Russian Federation). These normative legal acts were examined not only from the perspective of legal dogma, but also in relation to the political, economic, and social context of their adoption, including consideration of the events that transpired in 2024. In particular, the article undertakes a thorough examination of the normative legal acts of the President of the Russian Federation. It specifies the categories of persons who have the right to apply for admission to citizenship of the Russian Federation in a simplified procedure. Furthermore, it defines the concept of “repatriate” in relation to the State program to assist voluntary resettlement of compatriots living abroad to the Russian Federation. The present study examines the recent normative legal acts of the Government of the Russian Federation, including those pertaining to modifi cations in the regulations governing migration registration. The present study also analyzes the recently enacted normative legal acts of the Government of the Russian Federation, with specifi c reference to alterations in regulations concerning migration registration. It also encompasses an experimental evaluation of the rules and conditions pertaining to the entry and exit of foreign citizens and stateless persons into and out of the Russian Federation. Moreover, consideration is given to the various departmental normative legal acts (orders) issued by the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Russian Federation and the General Procuratorate of the Russian Federation. The analysis conducted indicates that these normative legal acts are intended to enhance the Russian legislation, establish novel eff ective legal mechanisms to address existing gaps and alleviate emerging social tensions.

The article endeavors to diverge from the conventional normative approach in the study of the role of local (regional) bodies of state power and administration — namely, village, settlement, district, city, and regional Soviets, along with their executive committees — in the Soviet political system. The issue under consideration is to be approached by means of an analysis of the proposals put forth by the Belarusian regional Soviet nomenclature with regard to enhancing the effi cacy of the system of local Soviets of Workers’ Deputies / People’s Deputies. The analysis focuses predominantly on proposals that implicitly refl ect its consolidated position based on administrative practices. The impetus behind the regional bureaucracy’s formulation of this innovative package emanated from two primary motivations: first, the aspiration to augment its authority in alignment with the interests of business and its own administrative career advancement; and second, the desire to curtail the inevitable rise in labor intensity and to safeguard itself from potential career hazards. Local managers recognized the necessity to revise the existing model of relations between regional and higher administrative structures. This revision entailed two primary components. First, it involved the transformation of local Soviets into the primary entity responsible for the comprehensive socio-economic development of their administrative-territorial units. Second, it entailed the expansion of the measures of real administrative infl uence in relation to the heads of enterprises and organizations of higher subordination located on their territory. The effectiveness of the local authorities’ actions was associated with the opportunity to redistribute funded and limited material resources, as well as with the strengthening of local budgets with new revenue

The article explores the formation of the concepts of dialogue and pluralism as they relate to the spiritual heritage of Popes John XXIII and Paul VI. The Second Vatican Council (1962–1965) initiated the process of the so-called aggiornamento, i.e. the renewal of various aspects of Catholic teaching, and raised the question of revising the principles of relations between the Roman Catholic Church and modern society. Achieving the objectives of the Council necessitated a shift in the approach and tactics employed in communication, a transformation that could not be realized without acknowledging the indispensability of modern concepts such as pluralism and dialogue. These terms feature prominently in the vocabularies of Popes John XXIII and Paul VI, who, through their encyclicals and messages, have constructed a distinctive semantic framework around these concepts. The Catholic conception of pluralism does not imply plurality and equali ty of the components that make up society, but is divided into legitimate and illegitimate, with the criterion of legitimacy being defi ned by the unquestionable authority of the Holy See. The dialogue, which is predicated on the equality of the parties involved, is, in papal documents, reduced to a refined rhetorical and tactical device to achieve the unchanging goal of restoring the unity of the Christian world under the pope’s authority. This represents a shift in the Roman Catholic Church towards a form of realpolitik in its global relations, while maintaining its missionary objectives. However, this pragmatic approach is also characterized by a certain degree of ambivalence, as it grants the pontiff greater discretion in determining the limits of what is permissible, both in establishing the legitimacy of pluralism and in expanding or narrowing the targets, forms and methods of dialogue. This ambivalence was particularly evident during Pope Francis’s papacy, as evidenced by his openness to non-Christian spiritualities and alternative models of social organization, which elicited a range of reactions from both the general public and the Catholic clergy.

The objective of this study is to characterize the mechanisms and goals of the establishment and development of international relations of the Soviet physical culture movement in the first half of the 1920s as a significant component of cultural diplomacy. The focus is on international sports meetings in which Soviet athletes participated abroad, with a particular emphasis on the 1925 trip of Kharkov footballers, which was of special signifi cance. The growing interest among researchers in the issues of cultural diplomacy is evident, with the majority of works focusing on the USSR’s confrontation with the capitalist world in the sports sphere during the Cold War. However, it was in the 1920s that the institutional foundations of Soviet sport and the forms of its interaction with the outside world were formed. A distinctive characteristic of the period under consideration is the class approach to sport, within the framework of which the working-class physical culture movement was opposed to the bourgeois one. The primary objective of fostering proletarian sports was to cultivate combatants for imminent revolutionary confrontations. International sports meetings between Soviet and foreign proletarian athletes were primarily a means of forging closer ties with them in order to attract them to the Soviet side and thereby expand the ranks of the communist forces, so the actual results of sports competitions were not so important. A further distinctive characteristic of this period was the presence of two organizations, Red Sports International and the Supreme Council of Physical Culture, which were responsible for coordinating interactions with foreign workers’ teams. However, these two entities oft en experienced discord, resulting in the disruption or inadequate promotion of international events. The 1925 football tour of the Kharkov team to Germany represented a pivotal moment in the development of international relations. This event provided the Soviet leadership with a valuable insight into the potential political benefits of triumphing in international sporting competitions, should these victories be accompanied by a well-executed propaganda campaign. Subsequently, these events would be used to enhance the prestige of the USSR in the eyes of the world community.

The article explores the censorship of cinema in Russia during the First World War and the 1917 Revolution. While the history of cinema in Russia has been comprehensively addressed in scientific literature, the structure and powers of cinematographic censorship during the period 1914–1918 remain to be fully elucidated. It is evident that these alterations were of considerable significance when compared to the pre-war period. The nation was divided into territories subject to “full” and “partial” military censorship, and the command of the front-line provinces was granted, among other things, the authority to control film distribution, a power previously held by the civil administration. In the rear provinces, the prevailing order remained largely unaltered. Petrograd, however, was distinguished by its notable deviation from this norm. This was attributable to the establishment of a substantial and intricate censorship apparatus within the city during the war years. The Cinematographic Department became one of its numerous subdivisions in the autumn of 1914. Its employees were responsible for the issuance and revocation of distribution permits, as well as the screening of films (including those with non-military content) prior to their release. Concurrently, the Ministry of the Imperial Court, the police, the inspection of printers, and other entities persisted in their involvement in film censorship. A notable role was played by the Skobelev Committee, which during the war claimed not only to produce war films, but also to censor them. However, as in other forms of censorship, the departmental principle was upheld in the context of cinema. Consequently, the Ministry of the Imperial Court retained the censorship of films involving members of the imperial family, while military censorship in Petrograd operated autonomously and local authorities exercised control in the theatre of war and in the rear. This fragmentation of film censorship was a characteristic feature of the pre-war years and gave rise to a degree of dissatisfaction among representatives of the film industry. The Provisional Government refrained from abolishing military censorship, and film censorship remained in place.

The results of Russia’s foreign policy activities on its southern borders enabled the central authorities to intensify the process of modeling the administrative system in the region during the first quarter of the 19th century. The subject of the proposed research is the institute of pristavstvo in the system of administration of the peripheries of the Russian Empire. This institute was established to introduce the peripheral, multi-ethnic and multi-confessional territories of the state into the all-Russian socio-economic and political-legal space. The pristavstvo functioned as a transitional form of imperial administration in the foreign environment. Its initial design was to ensure that the central authorities filled the information vacuum, overcoming the language barrier and creating common rules of interaction in imperial communications. Subsequently, the institution was utilized to communicate the objectives of imperial policy in the region, including the endeavor to overcome the economic isolation of peripheral societies. In this multi-component process, the personality of the imperial offi cial, first and foremost the chief pristav, played an instrumental role. The article utilizes a comprehensive analysis of legislative acts and sources from both central and regional archives to meticulously reconstruct the chronological sequence of events, as well as the changes in individuals who held the post of chief pristav. Initially, the issuance of chief pristavs was conducted through of nominal imperial decrees, and they were attached to the department of the Collegium of Foreign Affairs. Subsequently, however, they came under the jurisdiction of the Ministry of Internal Affairs. These officials were subordinate to the chief administrator in the Caucasus, and subsequently to the civil governor. Representatives of diff erent class and even ethnic groups were mostly in military service in the North Caucasus. The author concludes that chief pristavs played an intermediary role, dictated not only by the nature of their position, but also by the conditions in which they operated. The objective of their service was to establish a reliable communication conduit that would be consistent with Russia’s policy towards the foreign outskirts, whilst not compromising the prerogatives of the local elite.

The subject of this study encompasses the political works of James Macpherson (1736–1796), which, in contrast to his Poems of Ossian, have not yet been examined by specialists in either Russia or other countries. The objective of this article is to ascertain the system of Macpherson’s political views, primarily expressed in his interpretation of the American Revolution of the late 18th century. The study draws upon a set of Macpherson’s pamphlets, which were written during the American War of Independence and serve as the primary source material for the investigation. These are complemented by the British press of the same period, thus enabling the analysis of the pamphleteering to be situated within the broader context of anti-American propaganda during the War of Independence. Thomas Jeff erson’s papers, which were the primary focus of Macpherson’s criticism, have also been consulted. The pamphlets have been considered both as theoretical works, partly anticipating Edmund Burke’s conservatism, and as a model of propaganda. The author examines the image of America created by Macpherson, the techniques of its negativization, and its connection with the existing literary tradition, in particular with the narratives of Indian captivity, which at that time constituted a separate literary genre. The image in question was constructed on the basis of persistent motifs such as “ingratitude”, “cruelty”, and “savagery”, which were partly transferred to the Continental Congress as an organ of revolutionary power, and partly to the American populace. Furthermore, Macpherson’s assessment of America’s military potential was extremely low. The propagandist developed British propaganda clichés about the cowardice of American soldiers, allegedly capable of winning victories only with the help of cunning or surprise. This image was juxtaposed with the bravery and discipline of British soldiers, although Macpherson raised questions regarding the professional competencies of certain British Whig military leaders as part of his critique of the opposition. Macpherson’s theoretical constructions are based on the denial of the key Enlightenment ideas, which formed the basis of modern constitutionalism, such as popular sovereignty, separation and limitation of power. The conclusion drawn therein asserts the efficacy of the British propaganda narrative. Additionally, Macpherson’s literary connections with America and the reception of his Poems of Ossian by Americans of the 18th century are considered.

The Table of Ranks of 1722 for the first time fixed the system of state ranks for the Russian Empire. Since that time, numerous works have been published on this historical document, yet many contain inaccuracies and errors, which determined the relevance of the chosen topic. The majority of researchers cite the Table of Ranks as referenced in the Complete Collection of Laws of the Russian Empire. The present study sets out to achieve the following objectives: first, to study as many variants of the Table of Ranks as possible; second, to group these variants according to their distinctive features; third, to classify the various types of the Table of Ranks; and fourth, to determine which variant was included in the Complete Collection of Laws of the Russian Empire. To this end, the author consulted over 20 copies of the Table in the leading libraries of the country, including the Russian State Library, the Russian National Library, the Library of the Russian Academy of Sciences, and the State Public Historical Library of Russia. The result of this research is what is believed to be the most complete description to date of the surviving versions of the Table of Ranks of 1722. The author assigned an identification number to each copy studied, systematized all bibliographic descriptions of the surviving copies of the Table of Ranks, identified errors and inaccuracies, and clarified the classifi cation by bibliographic principle and printing technique. The author also investigated the internal structure of the Table of Ranks in all printed versions before its inclusion in the Complete Collection of Laws of the Russian Empire; described common orthographic and compositional features in different editions, and developed his classification according to the structural principle, within which three groups are distinguished: 1. Peter’s classical Table of Ranks without the rank of archiater in the fifth grade, 2. the classical one with the rank of archiater in the fifth grade, 3. the non-canonical Table of Ranks (with the rank of archiater, but with discrepancies in other ranks). As a result of the analysis, it was proven that the Complete Collection of Laws of 1830 included a version of the Table from the second group of the described classification.

By the mid-sixteenth century, the Vorotynsky princes were highly sought aft er for their military service within the Russian state. Th e brothers of the Vorotynsky family served as regimental commanders, at times leading substantial independent fi eld formations, in addition to garrisons of major cities and fortresses. In the autumn of 1562, however, the Vorotynsky family fell into disgrace. Th is decline was particularly marked in the case of Prince M.I. Vorotynsky and his brother A.I. Vorotynsky, whose lands were confi scated (Prince V.I. Vorotynsky had already died). Th e severity of the disgrace is also refl ected in its duration; for the elder brother, it ended only in 1565. Mikhail Ivanovich and his wife were imprisoned in Beloozero, while Aleksandr Ivanovich and his wife were detained in Galich. As a result, the Vorotynskys, who were major generals, were permanently expelled from the Russian voivodeship corps. Th e reasons for the disgrace of the Vorotynskys have been a subject of speculation among experts. One commonly held view is that it was a consequence of Ivan IV’s desire to destroy the vast Vorotynsky Principality, refl ecting the course of the Tsar’s land policy. Conversely, alternative theories have postulated that the Vorotynskys’ decline can be attributed to the prevailing political dynamics of the era. Th e present author puts forward an alternative hypothesis, namely that the Vorotynskys were punished for their failure to defeat the Crimean Khan Devlet-Giray near Mtsensk in the summer of 1562. Th e Khan managed to evade capture and retreat onto the steppes, thereby circumventing a potential defeat at the hands of the Russian voivodes. Th is outcome is attributed to the Prince M.I. Vorotynsky’s slowness in command, specifi cally with regard to the Russian troops’ defensive formation. Th is event is likely to have resulted in the monarch’s censure of the prince’s performance in a senior position. During deliberations among experts specializing in the military and political history of the Russian Empire, analogous assumptions have been posited on at least two occasions. A.A. Zimin and V.P. Ul’yanov have expressed views that are similar to these. Th e present author’s position differs from that of his predecessors in terms of its validity, which is derived from a meticulous examination of the sources, specifi cally razriad (register) records and chronicles.

In the context of Russian art culture, Ivan Morozov occupies a position of distinction as a prominent collector of contemporary French and Russian art. The influence of his collection on the subsequent development of Russian art, most notably on the generation of young avant-garde artists, is indisputable in the present day. However, it was not until relatively recently that the full significance of the collection and the role of I.A. Morozov in the history of Russian culture was fully recognized. The period of Morozov’s immersion in the European art market, spanning approximately ten years from 1903, is of particular interest. Initially, he acquired “quiet” Impressionist canvases, and by 1913, his collection had grown to include signifi cant works by P. Picasso. It is notable that Morozov’s collection of major works of French new art developed at a time when the vast majority of the public rejected this painting. Modern European art was perceived in Russia as a result of decadence and degeneration. Consequently, the promotion of the works of Impressionists, Post-Impressionists, Cubists, Fauvists, and German Expressionists at the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries appeared highly pertinent. Art magazines played an instrumental role in this movement, shaping the development of collecting in Russia. The most prolifi c phase of Morozov’s collecting of French avant-garde artists, now categorized as Post-Impressionists, occurred between 1906 and 1912. These artists exerted a profound and direct influence on Russian radical art. During this period, Morozov acquired works that would prove to be pivotal in shaping the future trajectory of Russian art. These acquisitions included pieces by the delicately Symbolist representatives of the Blue Rose association, as well as the naïve primitivist works of Larionov and Goncharova. A notable aspect of Morozov’s collection was the preponderance of Russian artworks over French masterpieces, with a ratio of approximately two to one. Notwithstanding, he was able to demonstrate, as early as the 1910s, a dialogue between the art of the two countries. In the contemporary context, the implications of the Morozov Collection on Russian painting are of equal signifi cance. This influence is attributable to the its accessibility to artists, among other factors.

The article is an extensive review of the recently published monograph by Tomsk scholar O.G. Lekarenko, U.S. European Policy during the L. Johnson’s Presidency (1963–1969) (Tomsk: Tomsk State University Press, 2023). Th e author of the review generally follows the structure of the monograph, commenting consistently on the preparation, conduct and conclusion of the so-called Kennedy Round (1964–1967) within the framework of the negotiations on the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade. In terms of its political and economic consequences, the Kennedy Round was one of the key events in the world’s progressive movement towards the liberalization of international trade. Other events that had a significant impact on the course of the negotiations are also con si dered, such as the crisis in NATO, the elaboration of the principles of the Common Agricultural Policy of the European Economic Community, the policy of French President de Gaulle regarding the widening and deepening of the integration processes in Europe and interaction with the USA. O.G. Lekarenko demonstrates the interdependence of economic and political issues, as well as the role and place of regional issues (for example, the development of the Common Agricultural Policy of the EEC countries) in global processes, such as the development of political dominance of the USA in the Western Hemisphere, the liberalization of international trade, and the regulation of nuclear forces. In the end, the author of the monograph ultimately arrives at a conclusion with which it is quite possible to agree: despite the initial attempts to implement J. Kennedy’s “Great Project” of creating an Atlantic partnership between the USA and Europe, during his presidency Johnson reformulated the goal of the U.S. European policy and adopted a course of solving smaller but more urgent problems by isolating de Gaulle from his European allies. Johnson’s approach of waiting and observing the situation proved to be eff ective, as evidenced by the outcome of the GATT negotiations, which generally favoured the United States. Additionally, the establishment of a nuclear planning group within NATO was a notable development. However, it is important to note that Johnson was unable to resolve another issue, namely that the UK did not accede to the EEC during his presidency.

The military aspect of the U.S. space projects between 1957 and 1963 has hitherto been the subject of only cursory consideration in the Russian scientifi c community. In the context of the rivalry with the USSR in the exploration of near-Earth space, large-scale U.S. military-space projects were driven by numerous objectives, one of which was to establish a military presence in space and, ideally, to achieve undisputed American military superiority in near-Earth space. From the outset of the “space race”, initiatives were devised and executed to develop vehicles for reconnaissance activities, concurrently with programs for novel space-based armaments capable of targeting the USSR from near-Earth space. Moreover, proposals by the American military and scientists indicated the commencement of “military exploration” of the Moon. These proposals encompassed the establishment of an artifi cial habitat for human habitation, along with the construction of a military base on the Moon’s surface (or subterranean), equipped with launch pads for missiles armed with nuclear warheads. The prevailing assumption at the time was that these missiles would ensure the destruction of the primary adversary, even in the event of the U.S. mainland being targeted, following the initiation of a nuclear exchange. A further area of early-stage military-space research involved the development of means to combat enemy satellites, with the use of nuclear weapons being a distinct possibility. The overarching objective of military space programs was twofold: firstly, to ensure scientific and technical superiority in open space research, and secondly, to demonstrate this to the global community. A direct correlation was observed between advancements in near-Earth space exploration and the global perception of the two superpowers as rival world leaders during the late 1950s and early 1960s. It is important to note that neither of the two superpowers achieved an obvious “victory” in the space arms race during the period under consideration; however, the general vector of space exploration was set at that time.

In February 1934, the Polish Foreign Minister J. Beck made his first and only visit to Moscow. The visit took place in the context of the German-Polish declaration of non-aggression, with the intention of allaying Soviet concerns and fostering a friendly atmosphere. However, the visit did not result in any substantial advancements in Polish-Soviet relations. The negotiations conducted by Beck with the head of the People’s Commissariat of Foreign Affairs (NKID), M.M. Litvinov, yielded only modest outcomes. These were the elevation of diplomatic missions to the rank of embassies and an extension of the term of the Polish-Soviet non-aggression pact of 1932 for a period of 10 years. Consequently, despite an outwardly favourable outcome, the Polish foreign minister did not present specifi c proposals, and the visit did not resolve key issues. Beck’s approach was not aligned with Soviet initiatives for a joint declaration aimed at safeguarding the Baltic states, a clear indicator of Warsaw’s true intentions. Poland’s foreign policy was oriented towards fostering relations with Germany, while the Soviet leadership, having reached this conclusion, deemed the prospect of rapprochement with Poland to be unfeasible. Therefore, the Soviet Union initiated a systematic reduction in its political dialogue with Warsaw, confining it to the domain of cultural interactions. When evaluated from the perspective of Warsaw’s declared “policy of equilibrium”, it is evident that this policy can only be discussed in relation to the brief, three-week period between the German-Polish declaration of 26 January 1934 and Beck’s departure from Moscow in the evening of 15 February of the same year. The visit of J. Beck was indicative of the fact that the improvement of relations with the USSR was merely a transient tactical manoeuvre. Consequently, in the latter half of the 1930s, relations between Poland and the USSR began to deteriorate, despite the offi cially declared “warming” in relations.

V.I. Lenin for many years developed Marx’s concept of world socialist revolution, particularly with regard to his formulation of. This concept underwent continuous refi nement, with adjustments made to align with the evolving political and economic landscape of Russia and other nations. The Leninist notion served as the foundation for the Bolshevik Party’s strategic approach. Following the Bolsheviks’ seizure of power in Russia, Lenin continued to refine and evolve his concept until 1922. However, the majority of the party and state leaders of the Soviet Union did not accept Lenin’s views on the rapidly changing events of 1918–1922, perceiving his theory as a defi nitive dogma. His concept of the transition of the world revolution into an economic competition between communist and capitalist systems was not appreciated during Lenin’s lifetime or after his death. The Soviet state leaders, having divested the scientific essence from the concept of world revolution, transformed it into a propaganda poster, “Proletarians of all countries, unite!”. This appeal served to unify the Soviet populace, particularly the youth, but lacked a political perspective. This is exemplifi ed by the international education of students in the USSR in the 1920s and 1930s. The internationalist ethos of these institutions was complemented by their practical involvement in the training of qualifi ed personnel for the USSR, a feat that can be largely attributed to the success of Soviet educators. However, as the global revolutionary movement began to wane in the second half of the 1920s, and the USSR transitioned towards independent socialist construction, the international dimension of the international education of students at pedagogical high schools gradually lost its signifi cance. The objective of this article is to examine the evolution of international education at pedagogical high schools in the USSR during the 1920s and 1930s. This st udy introduces a novel approach by making use of data from numerous newspaper publications of that period, as well as archival documents that facilitate the analysis of the primary directions of international education for Soviet students.

The study of the historical space of the South Coast of Crimea, which underwent signifi cant economic, social and cultural transformations in the late 19th and early 20th centuries, has received a new impetus in recent years. This can be attributed to several factors. First is the importance of comprehensively reconstructing the history of Crimea as the primary “place of memory” of modern Russia. Second — ongoing debates about the nature of changes in the life of Russian society in that period. Third — significant developments in methodology and historiography, including the “memorial” and “sociocultural” turns. Finally, new opportunities for source research, that have arisen due to the large-scale digitization of Russian archives and museum collections. This article represents a continuation of the author’s series of works on the subject of the history of dacha resorts on the South Coast of Crimea. This series of works culminated in the monograph Dachas and Summerfolk of the Russian Riviera. Essays on the History of the South Coast of Crimea and Sevastopol in the Early Twentieth Century (2024). The present article is noteworthy as it introduces and analyses for the fi rst time paperwork documentation that has been preserved in the papers of the eminent scientist V.I. Vernadsky. This documentation is deposited in his fund in the Archive of the Russian Academy of Sciences and relates to the existence of Batiliman, the dacha resort of “intellectual labourers” in the west of the South Coast of Crimea (the present-day territory of the city of Sevastopol) in 1911–1920. The history of this dacha resort, whose shareholders included prominent scientists, writers, artists, and leaders of the Cadet Party, has been reconstructed in the literature in fragments, primarily from ego-sources, i.e. memoirs and diaries. The complete list of shareholders has remained unknown, whereas it included K.S. Stanislavsky, I.Ya. Bilibin, V.G. Korolenko, P.N. Milyukov, M.I. Petrunkevich and other prominent fi gures. The documents from the V.I. Vernadsky’s fund, among others the map of the dacha resort’s boundaries, the list of plot owners and other materials, allowed, when used together with documents from the State Archive of the Republic of Crimea, as well as sources of personal origin and visual documents, to establish for the first time reliably the composition of the dacha residents of Batiliman, the history of the creation of the resort, and to systematize the data for further research.

In the early 20th century, the monarchist movement in Russia had several centers, one of which was Volhynia province. The purpose of this article is to identify the reasons for the success of the monarchists in the south-western fringes of the empire, particularly in Volhynia. The scientifi c novelty of this research is twofold: firstly, it utilizes a wide range of sources, some of which are first introduced into the scientific discourse; and secondly, it employs the latest achievements of both domestic and foreign historiography. The most signifi cant reason for the popularity of monarchist ideas in the South-Western territory was the presence in the region of a constantly smouldering ethno-confessional confl ict between Orthodox, Catholics and Jews. This was rooted in the region’s acute socio-economic contradictions, chiefly the ongoing struggle for land between Orthodox peasants and Polish Catholic landlords, with Jewish tenants, who leased land to the peasants on unfavourable terms, becoming embroiled. Additionally, Jews effectively monopolized retail trade in the countryside. The Union of Russian People (SRN) emerged in the region, defending autocracy (which for the peasants embodied order and the patronage care of the sovereign for his people), Orthodoxy (the faith of their ancestors, for which the Cossacks had fought against the “Lyakhs” and “Jews” for centuries) and “Russian nationality” (with which Volhynia’s peasants identifi ed themselves). This development gave rise to a renewed sense of optimism among the Orthodox populace, who perceived the SRN as a potential bulwark against the “Polonization” of Volhynia province. Moreover, they anticipated that the SRN would facilitate their acquisition of land owned by Catholic landlords and would also assist in the dissolution of the trade monopoly held by the Jewish population. This was due to the fact that the SRN had declared both of them to be enemies of the autocracy. The personal factor also played an important role in the popularization of monarchist ideas in Volhynia. The Right had strong and influential leaders in the region, mostly clergymen. So these leaders could use not only the spiritual authority of the Pochaiv Lavra but also its material base in their political activities.

The article focuses on the history of the establishment of the diocese of the Russian Orthodox Church in the Bessarabian region of Chișinău and Khotin in the aft ermath of the war with Turkey. Initially, the authorities of the Russian Empire intended to subordinate the local church institutions to the Holy Synod upon the annexation of the Danube Principalities, an action seemingly modeled on the precedent set by the Georgian Church. However, the deployment of French military forces in proximity to the Russian border necessitated the prompt establishment of peace between the Russian and Ottoman militaries by the Russian military leadership on the Danube. This geopolitical context precluded the acquisition of these territories by the Russian Empire, compelling the Russian side to focus its territorial ambitions on Bessarabia alone. Following the ratifi cation of the Peace of Bucharest (1812) in the Transnistrian region of the Moldavian Principality, the organizational framework for the establishment of local authorities, including those of a religious nature, was initiated. Metropolitan Gavriil (G. Bănulescu-Bodoni), who successfully completed all the planned activities within the shortest possible timeframe, was entrusted with the formation of the local diocese. By the close of 1812, the local diocese in Chișinău had already commenced its operations, entrusted with the oversight of over 750 parishes and more than 10 monasteries and sketes. In early 1813, the opening of the fi rst educational institution in Bessarabia was realized through the efforts of Metropolitan Gavriil, in the form of a theological seminary, which soon began to operate a noble boarding school for the children of the local nobility. Also in 1814, Gavriil’s efforts resulted in the opening of a printing house at the bishop’s residence in Chișinău, which printed books in the Slavonic and Moldavian languages. It is also noteworthy that the exarch had conceived the idea of founding a printing house during the construction of the diocesan house and built a separate building for it, even before receiving the approval of the tsarist authorities. By the mid-1814, Metropolitan Gavriil’s efforts had resulted in the full operationalization of the dioceses of Chișinău and Khotin in the Bessarabian region. Notably, this region was distinguished from numerous others by its acquisition of the right to print the necessary literature for church and educational activities.

The objective of the present study is a complex reconstruction of the image of a sea storm as depicted in Russian sources, with a particular focus on those from the period up to the beginning of the 19th century. The subject of the study is the formation and evolution of representations of sea storms in Russian culture during the specified time period, the identification of the distinctive characteristics of these representations, their correlation and interrelation, and the determination of the factors that could have influenced them. Sources of various origins were used, ranging from translated exegetical works, such as Six Days of Creation by Basil the Great and John Exarch of Bulgaria, and original hagiographic works including the hagiographies of Zosima and Savvatii of Solovki, Tryphon of Pechenga, and others, to the poetry of M.V. Lomonosov and works of folklore: Pomor laments, “expectancies”, incantations, proverbs and sayings, northern bylinas and ship’s cantos. Such generalizing studies have not been carried out before. The analysis of endeavors to subjugate the sea storm, as evidenced by monuments of folk culture, is a particular focus of the study. The article employs specific illustrations to demonstrate the impact of Christian culture and literary works, both original and translated, on folkloric traditions, in the context of comprehending the sea’s image. The analysis demonstrates that the notion of subduing the sea, as depicted in the sources examined, is a multifaceted and enigmatic concept. On the one hand, the Christian conception posits that the sea’s indomitable waves are subject to the divine control of the Creator (or saints acting in accordance with His will). This notion is articulated most vividly and comprehensively in the sources under consideration. In contrast, there are various accounts of attempts to harness the power of the sea for human purposes, although these are not numerous. Notably, Peter the Great is depicted in certain monuments as the sole figure capable of weathering the storm, suggesting a cultural and historical significance in this portrayal. The depiction of Peter the Great as the sole figure capable of resisting the storm is indicative of the apologetics of autocracy in the popular environment. Romantic associations with the image of a sea storm are not a feature of Russian culture prior to the Modern period.

The image of the fortress in architecture emerged in the Early Modern period when the constructive elements and volumetric-spatial schemes typical of defensive structures were incorporated into civil architecture. These structures lost their original functional meaning but retained distinctive features of their prototypes. In Russian historiography, there is a perception of the identity between architectural representations of the fortress image and the Neo-Gothic style of the last third of the 18th century. This view developed gradually, stemming from metaphorical comparisons made by pre-revolutionary essayists and Soviet art historians. Although these comparisons were periodically repeated, they did not become the focus of research reflection, as the attention was primarily directed towards stylistic issues. Alongside the enduring association of “castle” and “Gothicism”, another topos emerged, the interpretation of the fortress image in the 18th-century Russian Neo-Gothic as a memorial to the Russo-Turkish wars. This topos introduced a stereotype about the Orientalist background of certain buildings. Upon closer examination, these accepted concepts prove inapplicable to several monuments: the fortress image appeared in Russian architecture before the Turkish campaigns and Catherine the Great’s fascination with Neo-Gothic, and classical-style buildings featuring castle-like elements were constructed alongside exemplary Russian Neo-Gothic monuments. The recognition of the limitations of studying style led researchers to the issue of architectural imagery. The interpretation of the image opened new avenues and perspectives, allowing the identification of connections between individual monuments and the European architectural context, explaining the genesis of their forms, and reconstructing the underlying ideological programs. Analyzing historiography and the current state of the issue not only confirms the existence of the fortress image as a phenomenon in architecture, existing outside of styles and inherent to various national schools, but also allows it to be used as a construct to conceptualize a whole range of chronologically and morphologically related buildings in Russian architecture of the last third of the 18th century

The 14th and 15th centuries are considered the “darkest” period in the archaeology of medieval Rus’. The watershed of the Desna and Oka river basins, located at the borders of the modern Bryansk and Oryol regions, is one of the least studied areas in terms of political history. During these centuries, it was situated at the frontier of the principalities of Bryansk, Karachev and Novosil’ (the southernmost on the Upper Oka), which were “squeezed” between the Grand Duchies of Moscow, Lithuania, Ryazan’, and the Golden Horde. New archaeological and numismatic findings made by the expedition of Bryansk State University provide material evidence of the military-political events of the last third of the 14th century. Additionally, the correlation of these findings with specific events allows for more precise dating of various types of religious artifacts, military equipment, and monetary and weight items. Key dating finds (apart from ceramics) at the Navlya settlement include a rowel spur of type VIII (according to O. Dvurechenskiy, 2014) and a copper alloy encolpion depicting the Archangel Sachiel and Saint Sisinnius. This encolpion is a double recast from the original. The spur belongs to a type characteristic of the transition period from chain mail to plate armor, a time when combined armor prevailed in Europe. Based on analogs from Poland, Czechia and Galicia, the Navlya specimen can be dated from the second half of the 14th century to the early 15th century. The encolpion can be dated to approximately the same time. In this border region, many military events occurred in the late 14th and early 15th centuries, which could have resulted in the deposition of valuable and intact items in the cultural layer. These events are also associated with other finds of rowel spurs, but more frequently of later types, as well as similar encolpia and icons throughout the Southeast of Rus’, including the Seim and Psel regions. However, for the Navlya finds, the chronology can be narrowed to the end of the 14th century, thanks to the discovery of a hoard of Jochid dirhams (dang coins), as well as hoards and individual coins of Severskaya minting at the Navlya.

The disintegration of the USSR in 1991 set off unprecedented migration processes across the post-Soviet space, remarkable for their scale and complexity. This multifaceted migration phenomenon, with its various forms and manifestations, highlights the crucial need for an interdisciplinary approach in studying the issue. The novelty and relevance of this work stem from its pioneering attempt to illustrate the dynamics of migration processes in post-Soviet Russia through the application of a broad range of methodologies from different humanities disciplines. This article presents a portion of the findings from a comprehensive study conducted by an interdisciplinary research team at Lomonosov Moscow State University. This team, which includes historians, geographers, psychologists, and lawyers, is part of the university’s development program project, “Interdisciplinary Study of Modern Migrations: New Analytical Approaches”. The authors conduct a comprehensive review of current literature on the geographical, demographic, historical, sociological, and anthropological aspects of migration. They analyze thematic documents from the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Russian Federation and the Federal State Statistics Service, as well as archival materials covering the past 30 years, up to 2022. These sources hold significant academic value for research in the field. The study identifies the phases and intensity of migration dynamics in the Russian Federation and highlights key trends within the context of global and domestic factors, such as the economic crisis, the COVID-19 pandemic, and shift s in Russia’s current migration legislation. The article also explores the concept of ethnic enclaves and offers a functional, operational, and interdisciplinary definition of this phenomenon. It traces and explains the causal relationships that lead to emerging points and nodes of tension, as well as the potential threats inherent in migration processes and enclave formation. Additionally, the study outlines historically driven changes in the dynamics, types, and demographic structure (gender and age) of migration flows to Russia, influenced by both external and internal developments within the country

The article examines the Russian-Mari linguistic environment, focusing on the usage of the Russian and Mari languages (Meadow Mari and Hill Mari), identifying the level of bilingualism in the context of the widespread use of the Russian language and the relationships between language practices and ethnic identity. This comprehensive interdisciplinary ethnological-linguistic study employs various methodological approaches. The research data were collected through a survey conducted using the Texas University “Bilingual Language Profi le” questionnaire, supplemented by several blocks of questions on ethno-social topics, as well as interviews with representatives of the linguistic environment. The data were collected during an ethnological expedition by the Faculty of History of Lomonosov Moscow State University in the Republic of Mari El (Zvenigovsky, Kuzhenersky, Medvedevsky, Morkinsky, Orshansky, Sernursky, Sovietsky districts, and the city of Yoshkar-Ola). The majority of the 70 respondents identify themselves as belonging to the ethnographic group of Meadow Mari, with some also speaking Hill Mari. They share a deep involvement in Mari culture, being (or having been) employees of cultural centers and museums, librarians, school teachers, researchers of Mari culture, active participants in local communities, folklore ensembles, and thematic communities on social networks. Most of them can be classifi ed as ethnic activists. The study employed both qualitative (analysis of the collected interviews) and quantitative (analysis and graphical representation of the collected survey data) methods. The research revealed a high degree of interest among the Mari people in preserving their ethnic languages alongside traditional culture and identity. Additionally, the survey data indicate a relatively balanced level of Russian-Mari bilingualism, especially among those over 30 years old. Among the younger generation, there is a noticeable “shift ” in bilingualism towards the Russian language, likely due to the Russian-speaking educational environment.

The history of the Komsomol cash and prize lotteries begins in 1957. This initiative was proposed by the Committee of Youth Organizations of the USSR under the Central Committee of the Komsomol, which was established in 1956. This marked a new direction in the Komsomol’s activities (previously, funds were obtained from membership fees, subbotniks, collection of scrap metal, waste paper, etc.). All the lotteries were timed to coincide with the World Festivals of Youth and Students and aimed at attracting additional funds to the Komsomol budget for organizing the festivals. This became especially relevant aft er 1959, when the Komsomol lost its state subsidy and was forced to independently form its budget. The youth festivals had important ideological and educational significance and were held on a grand scale. In addition, within the framework of the festivals, the Komsomol provided material assistance to delegates from Asia and Africa, and sometimes fully covered their participation in the event. The Komsomol managed all aspects of the lottery from designing the lottery tickets to distributing them. Analysis of a range of archival documents, including financial reports, budget plans, as well as decrees and materials from secretariats and bureaus, clearly shows that the funds raised from the lotteries were consistently much less than expected. To address the issue, regional lottery committees were established, and plans for ticket sales were introduced for Komsomol organizations. However, against the backdrop of increasing membership fees, the youth were in no hurry to buy lottery tickets. As a result, regional committees failed to meet the planned ticket sales targets. The Central Committee of the Komsomol found a solution by withdrawing the missing amount from other raised funds. Nevertheless, lottery tickets were more eagerly purchased by foreign participants of the youth festivals as a memorable souvenir, especially since they were sold in souvenir kiosks.

This article is dedicated to Professor Anatoliy Vasilievich Muravyev of the Faculty of History at Lomonosov Moscow State University, whose 100th birthday is celebrated in 2024. His fate is closely intertwined with the history of Russia and Lomonosov Moscow State University. A veteran of the Great Patriotic War, he walked the roads of war, was seriously wounded, and received government awards. Muravyev was at the forefront of establishing the Department of Russian Source Studies at the faculty, investing significant effort in its formation and development. He led it for several years and then served as the deputy head of the department. He managed the museum group, laying the foundation for studying the history of Russia’s first university and creating its museum. He was a renowned specialist in Russian medieval culture and history of eighteenth-century Russian towns and excellent university professor. Muravyev is an author of fundamental publications in specialized and auxiliary historical disciplines, primarily paleography and historical geography, textbooks, study guides and instructional programmes. Dozens of diploma theses and PhD candidate dissertations were defended under his direction. He delivered general and specialized lecture courses, conducted seminars and practical classes on source studies, historical geography, Russian paleography, historical chronology and metrology at the university. Muravyev supervised student practices. He always combined professional work with personal communication, earning great respect among students. By highlighting Professor Muravyev’s activities in this article, his colleagues pay tribute to him as a veteran of the Great Patriotic War, patriot, scholar and author of a large number of scientific, educational and methodological works, many of which remain significant today. In his memory the Faculty of History has held Muravyev scientifi c readings at Moscow State University since 1996.

The article examines the Russian period of the life and work of the Russian and Yugoslav historian, legal scholar and literary critic Aleksandr Vasilievich Soloviev (1890–1971). Up to now, the legacy of his emigration period (from 1920) has been studied in considerable detail. During this time, while teaching at the Universities of Belgrade and Sarajevo in Yugoslavia, and later at the University of Geneva in Switzerland (from 1952), he composed numerous works on the legal history of the southern Slavs during the Middle Ages, as well as on the history and literature of medieval Russia. However, his Russian years have remained overshadowed by these achievements. This article attempts to fill this gap. It characterizes the Faculty of Law at Warsaw University, where Soloviev studied, noting the infl uence of professors F.F. Siegel, I.A. Malinovsky, and E.V. Spektorsky on his education, with a special emphasis on Siegel’s role in fostering Soloviev’s interest in Slavic history and law. Based on unpublished archival documents, it is shown that Soloviev’s master’s preparation coincided with the introduction of a new system for awarding academic degrees in Russian legal history at the end of 1915, leading to changes in the system of master’s examinations for professorial fellows. The article introduces internal administrative documents of Warsaw University (1914–1917), which demonstrate the development of master’s training in Russian legal history. For the first time, early source studies by A.V. Soloviev from 1916–1917 are characterized. One of these studies deals with a unique Galician- Russian charter from 1414, discovered by Soloviev. Another article discusses the newly discovered translation of the Lithuanian Statute. Soloviev concludes that this translation had a signifi cant influence on the Sobornoye Ulozhenie of 1649. Additionally, the author has established Soloviev’s authorship of an article on American universities, published in the journal “Issues of Pedagogy” in 1913. Thus, Soloviev is presented as a student, professorial fellow and novice lecturer at the Warsaw/Don University.

The article examines the biography and political views of N.E. Markov (Markov the Second), the former leader of the Union of the Russian People, deputy of the State Duma of the Russian Empire, and chairman of the Supreme Monarchist Council in exile, during the period of the World War II. The reconstruction of his political biography from 1939 to 1945 is being undertaken in historical science for the first time. Using methods of historicism, scientific objectivity, aggregation, historical reconstruction and interpretation, the author attempts an impartial analysis of Markov’s stance towards Nazi Germany, the USSR, Soviet leadership and the Russian people. The research is based on previously unknown journalistic works by Markov, materials from émigré periodicals and foreign archives. A significant portion of these sources is being introduced into scholarly circulation for the first time. Emphasis is placed on the fact that, while Markov entered into a deal and cooperation with the German Nazis, he remained a supporter of an Orthodox autocratic monarchy. Not sharing the neopagan views of the Nazis and viewing fascist dictatorships only as a stage on the way to a traditional monarchy, Markov nevertheless became a staunch supporter not only of the German invasion of the USSR but also of Germany’s victory with the subsequent establishment of German influence over Russia. His uncompromising fight against communism, his anti-Semitism, masonic phobia, hatred of the USSR and its leaders led him, who throughout the life identified himself as a champion of Russia’s and Russians’ interests, into the camp of enemies of his own country and people. By supporting the German aggression against the USSR in 1941, Markov continued to work for the Reich until the end of the Great Patriotic War. He viewed the political and ideological changes occurring in the Soviet Union (the official national-patriotic rhetoric, the revival of church life, and the return of historical continuity) exclusively as a tactical move by the Bolsheviks, not an evolution of the Soviet system. The article also provides clarifi ed information about his last years and circumstances of his death.

The circle of zealots of piety, or “Bogolyubtsy”, had a key infl uence on the schism of the Church and the entire Russian society, as well as on the conduct of book correction and the development of church institutions. Among other things, its representatives formed the core of book scholarship of that time. Notes in books belonging to these outstanding figures of Russian book culture and church history of the 17th century are an important historical source. This article introduces previously unknown inscriptions into scholarly circulation, preserved mainly on copies of old printed Cyrillic editions. They belong both to individuals who were part of the zealots of old piety and to some people directly associated with this circle. The author deals with donation and ownership notes in books that once belonged to Grigoriy Neronov, the czar’s confessor Stefan Vnifant’iev (Vonifat’iev), Reverend Dionysius (Zobninovskiy), and Bishop Alexander of Vyatka. The notes examined in the article were mostly identified in recently described state and little-known private collections and were not previously listed in bibliographies. The largest number of discovered copies belongs to the collection of Stefan Vnifant’iev; all were printed at the Moscow Print Yard in the early 1650s and contain the owner’s handwritten autograph notes. No less interesting is the fate of the book donation by Bishop Alexander of Vyatka to the Koryazhma Monastery: the preserved and described book is traced through the monastery’s documentation of the 17th century. A significant addition to the known historiographical corpus of preserved book donations by Reverend Dionysius (Zobninovskiy) are the two old printed editions discovered, which became donations in memory of the recently deceased donor. Furthermore, the article provides a note made on behalf of Grigoriy Neronov, another key participant in the church history events of the mid-17th century, who was well acquainted with Reverend Dionysius, Bishop Alexander and Stefan Vnifant’iev.

The Egyptian priest Manetho of Sebennytos, the author of a work on the history of Egypt written in Greek in the first half of the III century B.C., gave in its second tomos (book) dealing with the events of the second millennium B.C. the information on the conquests of the king Sesostris of Dynasty XII, the historical Senwosret III. This evidence was transmitted by George Synkellos, who followed Julius Africanus, Eusebius of Caesarea, and Eusebius’ Armenian version. These authors reproduced an epitome of Manetho’s text from the end of the Hellenistic period. The analysis of these testimonies and their comparison with the data from the ancient tradition allows us to conclude that, apparently, epitomators accurately reproduced the essence of Manetho’s narration. Moreover, Manetho named the territories of Sesostris’s conquests, described his appearance, and indicated the duration of his reign. These reports are close to the accounts of Hecataeus of Abdera, the court historiographer of the satrap of Egypt, Ptolemy, son of Lagus. In turn, the information from Hecataeus is known thanks to Diodorus Siculus. Hecataeus’s text was signifi cant for Manetho as a work of offi cial historical writing of the house of Ptolemies. Moreover, it was an extensive and detailed work, and its information about the great conqueror of the distant past was consistent with what was independently known to the Egyptian historian. However, Manetho used the form of the name of this king (Sesostris), introduced not by Hecataeus, but much earlier, by following, apparently due to the established association of this name with military feats. He also determined the place of this king in the dynastic sequence not according to Hecataeus, but following his own information, derived from the hieroglyphic tradition. Besides, Manetho must have shared Hecataeus’ view that the king Sesostris founded the great interregional empire, which united Asia and must have passed under the sway of Assyria by the time of the Hyksos invasion of Egypt.

The subject of this study — the painted illustrations by Yu. Sooster (1924–1970) for popular science articles in the 1962 edition of the annual journal Science and Humankind. The articles included “The Puzzle of Human Brain Evolution” by M. Nesturkh, “Physics and Progress in Agriculture” by I. Revut, “Wealth of the Oceans” by L. Zenkevich, “New Developments in Stereochemistry” by O. Reutov, “Cosmic Matter and the Earth” by V. Fesenkov, and “Metagalaxy and the Universe” by A. Zel’manov. These illustrations have not been extensively described or analyzed in the scholarly literature before. The author set out several tasks, including identifying the features of Sooster’s illustrations, correlating them with other visual materials accompanying the articles, analyzing how the artist worked with the text to create images, and comparing these works with Sooster’s studio paintings and graphics. The study concludes that Sooster did not follow a path of obvious adherence to the text. Instead, he preferred to construct images that were more abstract in nature, prompting the reader to engage in additional humanistic and philosophical refl ections. This approach was characteristic of publications under the direction of Yu. Sobolev, Sooster’s friend and the chief artist of the “Znanie” publishing house. Sobolev aimed to immerse the reader deeper into the essence of the scientific text and establish its connection with broader metaphysical problems by combining diverse images and using metaphors. In this way, the artist became a full-fledged co-author of the researcher who wrote the article. This principle is evident in each of Sooster’s six illustrations. The study also discovers similarities between Sooster’s illustrations and the main direction of his creative work in several aspects: compositional techniques (such as the importance of the horizon line, contrast of scales, focus on the leading metaphorical element), coloristic solutions, attention to texture, and a conceptualphilosophical approach to selecting and combining images.

To date, a vast amount of material has been accumulated on the history of cities, which increasingly attracts the interest of archaeologists, historians, sociologists, economists, and cultural scientists. Special attention is paid to the emergence of ancient cities. This article analyzes English-language works by foreign authors from the past two decades, dedicated to the architecture and spatial development of Hellenic settlements from the Homeric era to the end of Hellenism. The breadth and complexity of the topic have necessitated the inclusion of works that employ a thematic rather than a regional approach. The extensive body of foreign research on archaeologically documented settlement structures of the ancient Hellenes allows for the identifi cation of priority areas. During the period under review, the primary focus has been on the initial stages of the spatial structure formation of ancient Greek communities. In the reviewed works, space is treated as an independent object of study. Archaeologically documented settlement structures are interpreted from the standpoint of their social significance. The research objects include public buildings and spaces (temples, necropolises, the agora, domestic architecture). At the same time, these studies are interdisciplinary, extending beyond historical and archaeological analysis. They present a series of generalizations and conclusions that enhance knowledge about specific regions or historical periods. The research is concentrated around several themes: urbanization and genesis of a complex political system, city planigraphy and demography, interdependence of settlement structure formation and the socio-political development of the community, ways of urban development, and approaches to studying urban territorial organization. The obtained data allow for the conclusion that the issue of space organization is considered in Englishlanguage historiography from the perspectives of functionality and the nature of the population’s activities. It is important to note the signifi cant degree of independence and variability in the formation of social space, and its gradual hierarchization depending on the purpose of objects. It is also necessary to emphasize the ongoing debate regarding the interpretation of settlement objects due to the peculiarities of the early stages of the urbanization process (criteria for defi ning a town), the fragmentary nature of evidence, and the diversity of specifi c historical conditions of Hellenic political genesis.

A significant portion of the world’s population, especially in Asia, Africa, and Latin America, cannot conceive of atheism or a life without religion. In traditional societies, local beliefs permeate every aspect of life from birth to death, sanctifying all stages of socialization. However, in modern times, these beliefs have largely vanished in their pure form. World religions have not completely supplanted them, as this complex and contradictory process has taken many centuries. With the spread of world religions, many characteristics inherent in preindustrial societies’ beliefs have receded into the background. Ancient spirits and deities have become characters in folklore, children’s games, and songs, with traces visible in language and preserved customs. Adherents of world religions (and atheists as well) are often unaware of the connections between these religions and old traditional beliefs. World religions have incorporated many elements of more ancient religious faith. Practically everywhere, certain syncretic forms have developed (hence terms like “folk Orthodoxy”, “folk Islam”, etc.), which are an integral part of any culture. Without understanding this, it is impossible to adequately grasp the history of religions, political science, sociology, or even economics (one might recall, for example, the concept of “zakat” in Islam or tithing in Christianity). Therefore, alongside disciplines like theology and the spiritual practices of world religions, the study of the existence, interconnection, and mutual infl uence of religions is a key research area for anthropologists. This article highlights the importance of the anthropological study of this process, the close relationship between anthropology and religious studies, and the need to include this topic in the training and education of future anthropologists. The place and role of traditional beliefs in modern life and their future, and their interconnection with world religions, are demonstrated using the example of their existence among the peoples of Sub-Saharan Africa.

Russian personal libraries have become a subject of comprehensive study for the first time by O.N. Ilyina. She has outlined a range of research problems associated with the terminology and historiography of these book collections. Ilyina examined the ownership characteristics of personal libraries, their fates, sources and methods of research, and the formation and development of historiography trends on this topic. Each of these identified directions holds potential for development not only in the field of library science but also for historical study. Historians, in particular, find interest in the libraries of educational institutions, book collections of scholars with marginalia or notes from their colleagues, and descriptions of personal libraries left by third-party readers. Many modern educational institutions’ libraries, whose histories began in the late 19th and early 20th centuries, contain copies from other, sometimes very famous, collections. For instance, books from the collection of the Tsarskoye Selo Lyceum were transferred to the library of the Pedagogical Museum of military educational institutions. The history of a personal library in the pre-revolutionary period could serve various purposes. It might be an additional argument for increasing social status, as with the book of academician N.P. Likhachev about the family book collection. It can illustrate the worldview of governmental circles and the highest aristocracy, such as the book collection and reading interests of Princess E.G. Saxe-Altenburg. It can reveal the formation of a future statesman’s personality, as seen in the memoirs of D.N. Tolstoy regarding the role of his library, or show the inner “laboratory” of a scholar through the analysis of marginalia left in books or inscriptions on presentation copies. The study of the phenomenon of the library of a nobleman-bureaucrat, such as those of S.S. Uvarov and D.A. Tolstoy, deserves separate consideration. Additionally, an important topic is the study of digital libraries, both public and personal. Approaches to the periodization and classifi cation of the history of personal libraries and their terminology need clarifi cation, specifi cally, whether a personal library is considered a book collection. These topics can serve as subjects for joint discussions among historians and librarians.

The Faculty of History at Lomonosov Moscow State University recently celebrated the 100th anniversary of the birth of Ivan Dmitrievich Koval’chenko (1923–1995), a distinguished full member of the Academy whose pioneering work has profoundly influenced the field of historical science. Recognized internationally, his contributions continue to shape the discipline. This centennial milestone was marked by a series of commemorative events, including a scientific conference, an exhibition of books and materials, and a display of photographs and documents. The seventh memorial conference, held on 28 November 2023, addressed contemporary issues in historical science, with themes reflecting the scientific problems initiated and developed by Koval’chenko. His students, colleagues, and emerging researchers honored him through their speeches and reports, emphasizing his signifi cant contributions to the development of historical methodology, source studies, historiography, and the introduction of quantitative methods in historical research. The conference underscored the importance of identifying classes of mass historical sources and evaluating the application of modern information theory in source studies. Participants shared personal memories of Koval’chenko as a scholar, professor, and heroic participant in the Great Patriotic War. Discussions focused on the current state and future prospects of the research areas Koval’chenko championed throughout his career, the impact of his scientific school on contemporary historical science, and the formation and professional training of young historians. His leadership in defining the tasks and directions of the Department of Source Studies at the Faculty of History, as well as his role in establishing a laboratory for the application of electronic machines in historical research — later transformed into the Department of Historical Informatics — was also highlighted.

The article focuses on the development of the women’s Labour organization in Great Britain from 1918 to 1939. After the First World War, British social democrats engaged in active agitation and propaganda efforts, which enabled them to transform and strengthen the party organization significantly in a relatively short period. A key aspect of these reforms was the development of women’s party sections, building on the foundation of the previously existing Women’s Labour League. The article highlights the contributions of the activists who were instrumental in the movement’s early days, including M. Phillips, M. Sutherland, S. Lawrence, D. Johnson, M. Bondfi eld, E. Wilkinson. It also examines the propaganda techniques and methods used by the party to attract new supporters. The author discusses the preparation of female speakers, the organization of special classes and summer schools for them, and the staging of mass events aimed at popularizing the Labour Party among the public. Special attention is given to women’s party weeks and months. The article delves into the territorial organization of women’s sections, efforts to improve their vertical management, and the creation of women’s advisory councils, central committees in cities, and federations in counties. The author notes that the most notable successes in women’s party building were achieved in the post-war 1920s. However, the growth of women’s sections and membership slowed in the 1930s. A significant focus is on the entry of the first Labour woman, M. Bondfield, into R. MacDonald’s government in 1929, where she served as Minister of Labour. The article assesses M. Bondfield’s legislative activity as head of the ministry and highlights the circumstances that hindered her from implementing signifi cant reforms in unemployment insurance. Additionally, the article analyzes the problems that caused the most notable tensions between the party and trade union leadership and women’s sections, particularly regarding family allowance allocations and the popularization of measures for birth control.

In the late 19th and early 20th centuries, the development of a robust postal and telegraph system, alongside the construction of railways, was a crucial indicator of social modernization. The efficient operation of the Chinese Eastern Railway and its connecting Kaidalovskaya line depended heavily on the organization of communication along the railway. Establishing comprehensive postal and telegraphic communication was also vital for the local population. This study aims to examine the formation of the postal and telegraphic system along the Kaidalovskaya line of the Transbaikal Railway. Due to changes in the administrative affiliation of the Transbaikal region throughout the 20th century, information on this topic is dispersed across various central and regional archives of Russia. These materials are mainly housed in the Russian State Historical Archive, the State Archive of the Republic of Buryatia, the State Archive of the Irkutsk Region, and the State Archive of Zabaykalsky Krai. The authors concluded that creating the postal and telegraph system along the Kaidalovskaya line was a complex and prolonged process. Before the construction of railways, there was no post and telegraph in the administrative centre of the Aginsky Steppe Duma. Although the first post offi ce was opened in Chindant during the construction of the Kaidalovskaya line, the establishment of a fully functional postal and telegraph system in the region was delayed until World War I, primarily due to the insufficient government funding. Despite the authorities’ interest in moder nizing the communication system for the local population and repeated requests from selfgovernment bodies, including the Aginsky Steppe Duma and later the Aginsky Indigenous Volost Administration, postal and telegraph offices along the Kaidalovskaya line were primarily established when and where there was an urgent need for military presence or railway construction.

The article concerns the little-studied aspects of the biography of the prominent political figure, literary critic, publicist and prose writer Yakov Veniaminovich Braun in order to reconstruct in its entirety the social and political activity of this multifaceted personality. The author examines the unrealized literary projects connected with the left-wing Socialist Revolutionary movement and repressions against Braun. The study is based on the archival and investigative materials, publications in newspapers and magazines, documents of the Russian State Archive of Socio-Political History and the Russian State Archive of Literature and Art. Most of the sources are introduced into scientific discourse. Throughout 1917–1933, Braun was an active participant in the Socialist Revolutionary and Left Socialist Revolutionary movements, member of the All-Ukrainian Committee of the Socialist Revolutionary Party in 1918–1919, secretary of the Party of Left Socialist Revolutionaries (syndicalists) of Ukraine in 1922–1923, member of the Central Committee of the United Left Socialist Revolutionary Party of Ukraine in 1922–1923 and the Central Bureau of the Association of Left Narodnik Movement (Association of the Party of Left Socialist Revolutionaries and the Union of Socialist Revolutionary Maximalists). He participated and acted as a speaker at party congresses and conferences. During his imprisonment and exile (with interruptions) in 1923–1933, Braun followed a left Narodnik direction and maintained contacts with like-minded people. However, breaking with them did not save him from arrest and execution in 1937. Braun’s activities as a party publicist can be traced through his articles in the newspapers Narodnoe Delo and Bor’ba and magazines Klich, Znamya and Narodnoe Prosveshchenie, as well as in the collection of articles Puti revolutsii. Also of interest are the unrealized literary projects of the publishing house “Revolutionnoye Tvorchestvo” and the magazine of the same name with the participation of Ivanov-Razumnik and Sergei Esenin. Particularly noteworthy is the letter from Braun to I.Z. Steinberg with a mention of his lecture titled Esenin and Mayakovsky in Kharkov in the spring of 1922 and a letter to Vladimir Mayakovsky dated November 8, 1927, in which Braun narrates about the book Esenin and Mayakovsky that he planned to write.

The study of Vincenzo Gioberti’s ideological and political heritage, his views on the nature of Italian unity allows us to take a new look at his growing popularity among today’s Italian politicians of the federalist wing. Contemporary historiography and socio-political debates present Gioberti as one of the central characters of the Risorgimento. Among the reasons for this are the crisis of traditional federalism and relative decline in popularity of the ideological reference points of the recent past. One of Gioberti’s most important actualized theses is the establishment of a self-sufficient philosophical thought in Italy; another newly sounding idea is the preeminent role of the Catholic Church in reconciling the ambitions of regional elites. The article shows that the understanding of these and some other theses of Gioberti nowadays differs quite significantly from the meaning that the thinker put into them, and it is dictated by the political conjuncture. This phenomenon is also not new. The application of ideas expressed in the mid-nineteenth century specific situation to other temporal and political contexts makes it difficult to understand the philosopher’s works and leads to distortions in their interpretation. The figure of Gioberti as a link between Italian social thought and French Romanticism has been insufficiently studied. Comparing his project of the federalist structure of the future Italy with other similar projects of the Risorgimento allows us to identify the most important individual feature. In the 1840s the main political problem of Italy was seen as the contradiction between the need to unite the forces of the nation and the presence of several sovereigns, regional elites and local patriotism. Awareness of a number of obstacles to the political unification of the country led thinkers to propose various ways to go beyond this contradiction on the basis of political compromises and overcoming immediate difficulties. Gioberti’s federalism, on the other hand, was founded on the combination of the federalist ideal with an advanced philosophical doctrine. This made his theory unsuitable for political application, but it is an attractive aspect when studying the philosopher’s legacy at the present stage.

The aim of this article is to examine the dichotomy between “Hussite” and “Catholic” through the lens of how sinfulness was perceived by the Hussites (Czech Utraquists) and their military and political Catholic opponents. The study focuses on the unique perception of sinfulness as a distinctive feature of Hussite ideology compared to anti-Hussite views. The sources used include theological and polemical writings of Hussites such as Jan Želivský, Mikuláš of Pelhřimov, and Petr Helčický, as well as their ideological predecessor Jan Hus. Additionally, the study examines the Hussite program known as the “Four Articles of Prague” in its various forms, which were supported by both the radical Taborites and the more moderate Prague Hussites. Traditional Catholic theological criticism, notably from figures like Ferdinand of Lucca and Gilles Charlier, and other sources reconstructing fifteenth-century Catholic norms and perceptions, particularly in Hungary, are also considered. The analysis identifies two key features of the perception of sinfulness in Hussite ideology: sin as a social offense, and the belief that all people are equal in front of sin, implying that a ruler’s sin justifi es disobedience, including armed resistance. The author concludes that the dichotomy between “Hussite” and “Catholic” is only partially evident in this context. Gilles Charlier, a Catholic theologian, considered only those sins that directly harmed the state and society (e.g., theft , murder) as social crimes, while he did not classify “simple fornication” as such a crime. In contrast, fornication among the Catholic opponents of the Hussites, particularly in fifteenth-century Hungary, continued to be regarded as a suppressible social offense under the laws established by Saint Stephen (997–1038). Charlier advocated for tolerance towards the sins of monarchs and infl uential individuals to avoid severe unrest. The Hungarian kingdom in the fifteenth century retained the legal right for the estates to resist the monarch if he violated the Golden Bull of 1222. This conclusion, highlighting the similarities between the views of the Hussites and their opponents, is unprecedented in historiography. While R. Novotný noted the similarity between the estates of the Hungarian and Czech kingdoms, the recognition of these ideological parallels is a new contribution.

In the art history literature dealing with collectors Mikhail (1870– 1903) and Ivan (1871–1921) Morozov, researchers are primarily interested in the artistic stratum connected with European, mainly French, art. The issues of collecting Russian painting, the choice of certain Russian artists, refl ecting the tastes of collectors, the change of artistic preferences in the late 19th and early 20th centuries, almost never attracted the attention of scholars. This article attempts at determining the approach developed by brothers M.A. and I.A. Morozov in collecting Russian art. In this context, it seems logical to analyze some features of their collections: what names and works the Moscow collectors chose, whether it was conscious and deliberate or spontaneous (as the literature characterized the formation of the Russian part of the Morozovs’ collection). Unfortunately, researchers have not always found arguments in favor of the collectors’ choice of certain Russian masters. At the same time, experts convincingly prove that with regard to works by iconic figures of European art, the choice and purchases were carefully thought out, right down to “booking” in advance a place in the hall for a particular masterpiece. Another question is far from idle: can we talk about the common ground for the Morozovs’ aesthetic views and, accordingly, about a certain continuity in their collections? The analysis of their Russian part allows us to conclude that the collections broadly and voluminously represent the panorama of the main Russian art currents from early Plein Air to Impressionism, from the first World of Art works to Symbolism, from imitations of Cézanne and Gauguin to independent avant-garde experiments of Russian painting in the 1910s. One of the characteristic features of the collection of the younger brother, Ivan Morozov, was fi gurative (object) art, as he was not attracted to objectless painting.

The article examines the problems of religious statistics due to the multifaceted nature of religious identity and flexibility of religious identification and self-identifi cation. This is the cause of frequent diff erences in the estimated data on the number of followers of a particular confession. Population censuses could be a universal and comparable source, but not all countries ask about religious affiliation in the census. And even when there is a question on religion in the census, differences in wording (and differences in the meaning behind the wording) do not always allow for valid comparisons. Therefore, it is more common to find estimates of the number of followers of denominations based on various surveys. Religious identity is very multidimensional, and it often overlaps with other types of identity: ethnic, civil, local. A person can be associated with a certain faith by accepting the dogmatics, or it can be a set of practices and actions that define a way of life or certain milestones of the life cycle or moments/ periods of the religious calendar. Finally, the very feeling of belonging to cultural and historic tradition can bind a person to a particular faith. Therefore, in order to study quantitative indicators of religiosity, it is more convenient to operate with the procedural concepts of identifi cation and self-identifi cation. Religious statistics, or religious demography, was developed in the 1960s, i.e. in the period when the traditional forms of religiosity were being eroded, when religious dynamics in diff erent regions of the world were becoming more and more different, when it seemed that, at least in the West, religion was losing its position. Religious statistics require the adoption of some form of categorization. This article examines whether classifi cation should always be based on denominational principle alone. Religious statistics is a complex and delicate instrument, but nevertheless it draws some contours of religious structure, reveals the peculiarities of the religious situation and allows us to see the trends of its development.

One of the key problems of the state historical policy in the Kaliningrad region during the Soviet period was related to the attitude to the local pre-war historical and cultural heritage, it was partly the memory of the life and activities of the outstanding philosopher and educator Immanuel Kant. The purpose of this article is to identify the prerequisites, factors and stages of integration of Kant’s name and image into the regional culture of memory and commemorative activity. The scientific novelty of the study is determined by the fact that the commemoration of the philosopher is first considered throughout the Soviet period of the region’s history. In the first post-war decade, the key condition for the formation of Kant’s commemoration traditions in the young Soviet region was ensured, that is, his tomb was preserved and taken under state protection in the mid-1950s. It became a place of attraction for Kaliningrad residents and guests of the city. In the 1960s–1970s, the philosopher’s grave was included in excursion routes and tourist guides, respect for his memory was used as an argument in the propaganda system, a tradition of scientific study of Kant’s heritage was formed in the region, and Kaliningrad State University became a center of such research. Under strict restrictions on the study and popularization of pre-war history, Kantian topics were perceived by a part of local intelligentsia as an allowed opportunity to share the “secrets” of the German past of the Kaliningrad land. At the same time, the position of regional authorities was characterized by contradictions, and initiatives to commemorate the philosopher were repeatedly met with resistance instigated by the regional committee of the CPSU. In the years of perestroika Kant’s image was perceived as a “bridge” connecting epochs and cultures. The work on the preparation of restoring the monument to the philosopher began, the plans of the regional branch of the Soviet Culture Fund included a “Kantian” programme of events, Kant became a character in the first popular narratives about the prewar history of the region. The process of integration of the “outstanding ‘fellow countryman’”, “Kaliningrad philosopher” into the regional culture by the end of the Soviet period was considerably accelerated.

The conclusion of the 1963 Moscow Treaty banning nuclear weapon tests in the atmosphere, in outer space and under water is an important milestone in the history of the Cold War. It was preceded by long and complex negotiations between the USSR and the US. Measures to impose a moratorium on tests (August 1958 — August 1961) did not yield signifi cant results either in reducing harmful environmental consequences or in reducing the risk of nuclear conflict. In addition, the issue of at least partial test ban was closely linked to the political contradictions between the superpowers, in particular, regarding the status of Berlin. On 9 September 1961, the negotiations were stopped. In the fall, the USSR conducted a large series of explosions, and advances in weapons development required new tests. Moscow’s decision to withdraw from the moratorium was dictated by the desire to demonstrate to its opponents the readiness for any emergency. In 1962, the events around Cuba led not only to intensified testing by both powers, but also to the acute Cuban Missile Crisis in October, when the danger of using nuclear weapons became quite real. The August 1963 treaty was one of the immediate outcomes of the Cuban Missile Crisis. However, it is also important that the superpowers came to the signing of the Moscow Treaty only after their scientific and technological achievements (including, above all, the results of nuclear tests) had been able to ensure a confident strategic deterrence of each other. The tests of nuclear devices conducted by both powers in 1961 and 1962 allowed them to equip all types of carriers with warheads as part of their planned programs to renew strategic nuclear arsenals. At the same time, the Moscow Treaty created a basis for harmonizing the positions of the US and the USSR with regard to nuclear nonproliferation for many years to come.

Perception in international relations has long been studied in political science, but historians have not paid suffi cient attention to it so far. Meanwhile, looking at known events through its prism allows us to draw new conclusions about their origins. The prehistory of World War II and its key episode — the failure of attempts to deter Hitler’s aggression in Europe through the joint eff orts of France and the Soviet Union — can serve as a fruitful field for testing this approach. For the military and political elites of France, the USSR was dangerous due to its unpredictability, but an internally fragile. This presumption leveled all the successes of the Soviet leadership in modernizing the country and the armed forces in the eyes of the French. The increased military danger in Europe after 1933 prompted Paris merely to offer Moscow the role of an ordinary participant in the system of collective security, which was based on the experience of World War I and designed as a new model for the development of international relations and minimization of conflicts between countries. The Soviet government viewed France as a leading imperialist power that prioritized anti-Soviet goals, but had a situational interest in limiting German expansion. At the same time, Moscow believed that Soviet-French cooperation could be effective only as an equal strategic alliance aimed at deterring a potential aggressor. This approach was rejected by French diplomacy, which followed the policy of appeasement. It was a source of a deep crisis in bilateral relations at the time of the 1938 Munich agreements. The collapse of appeasement in early 1939 led to a sharp turn by the French government to strategic planning for a possible war and created a window of opportunity for an agreement with the USSR. However, the inertia of old prejudices deprived the tripartite Anglo-French-Soviet negotiations in the spring and summer of 1939 of their practical content and opened the way for a Soviet-German agreement

At the turn of the 19th and20th centuries, the growth of urban population and development of urban infrastructure were accompanied by the emergence of environmental problems, including the increase of river pollution, which might cause water supply diffi culties. The central and local authorities, as well as representatives of various public, scientific, professional organizations and business circles, were involved in solving these problems. The order of their interaction could be diff erent, but these joint projects made it possible to achieve the best results in combating river pollution caused by industrial and domestic waste, to determine priorities in the system of water protection and to improve the supply of potable water to the population. Thanks to the activities of such organizations as the Society for Assistance to the Improvement and Development of Manufacturing Industry, Russian Water Supply Congresses, sanitary stations, and the Provisional Committee for the Development of Measures to Protect the Water Bodies of the Moscow Industrial District from Pollution, a rather extensive set of measures was carried out to study the properties, nature, and degree of water pollution in the rivers that served as sources of water supply for city dwellers, and the most eff ective methods of water purifi cation were determined in experiments. Practical recommendations were developed on the use of the most eff ective and cost-efficient methods and facilities for industrial wastewater treatment. The best domestic specialists were involved in solving the identified problems, who utilized international and Russian experience. The lack of sufficient funding for water protection activities resulted in some initiatives not being or being only partially implemented. In addition, a number of practical measures which had been planned in this area had to be postponed because of the outbreak of World War I in 1914

The article reveals the importance of the period of student studies at Moscow University for the future career of the Russian and British historian Pavel Gavrilovich Vinogradoff (1854–1925), who became a member of Saint Petersburg Academy of Sciences and the Royal Society of London. The research source base was made up of offi cial documents from Moscow University collection and ego-documents, i.e. correspondence, diaries and memoirs. The results are presented in the form of a “thick description”, revealing the culture of higher education in the Russian Empire in the early 1870s. Home training under the guidance of his father, as well as graduation from the 4th men’s gymnasium in Moscow with a gold medal became a reliable basis for Pavel Vinogradoff ’s mastery of the university course at the Department of History and Philology at Moscow University. The author characterizes not only the successes in the study of individual disciplines, but also the infl uence of professors, and most importantly, practices of their educational activities and relationships. He was especially influenced by those professors who were active in research — S.M. Solovyov, F.I. Buslaev, and, especially, V.I. Guerrier, whose disciple Pavel Vinogradoff became from the first year of his study. His scientifi c interests were formed under Guerrier’s infl uence. The system of lecture courses and the professor’s seminars recently introduced into the practice of teaching became a model to be perfected by the student, later himself a professor at Moscow University. N.I. Storozhenko’s home meetings were renewed by P.G. Vinogradoff in the early 1890s and created the basis for the Historical Society at Moscow University. In the author’s opinion, it was the mastery of educational practices, rather than evaluative indicators of success in certain disciplines that were crucial to the success of Vinogradoff ’s future career. Diverging from his teacher’s theoretical and methodological views on the principles of studying the past, nevertheless he, as a successor of Guerrier’s work, improved the methods of the scientific and pedagogical school of Moscow University’s “world historians”.

The study examines the strategies of interaction of the peasant community and manorial administration with the uyezd authorities at the microhistorical level. It is based on the materials of the archive of the Buturlins’ Palekh manor, i.e. expenditure books and primary documentation on travel expenses, duty receipts of the uyezd authorities and community sentences. Upon studying the legislative base and practice, the author concludes that peasants almost did not deviate from legislative norms. They tried to optimize their expenses, for example, they did not resort to the uyezd court or they visited the town for several cases at the same time. The article reconstructs the schedule and approximate travel time consumption, examines which officials and peasants were involved in interaction with the uyezd authorities depending on the situation. The author establishes that a considerable part of the time of the manorial administration was spent on traveling to the uyezd town. She estimates the transport costs of Palekh residents to the neighboring towns — Gorokhovets, Vyazniki, Vladimir and Shuya. The main criterion of convenience of a uyezd town for peasants was reliability of the way to it and its proximity to their village. Th e case of the administrative reform in 1796–1797 in Vladimir guberniya allows us to consider how Palekh residents tried to prevent their manor from being assigned to a less attractive uyezd town. It is proved that peasants’ attempts could not succeed, because the reform was carried out at the guberniya level (while peasants appealed to the uyezd authorities), and the decisions were made before peasants tried to intervene. The author concludes that the legislation in the second half of the 18th and early 19th centuries worked in favor of peasants and it was aimed at reducing transportation costs for them, but their opinion was not taken into account in the formation of specific administrative boundaries.

From the late 15th century until Peter the Great’s tax reform, there were kabala bondmen (kholopy), who had lost their freedom by debt and service bondages (kabalas), along with the “full” bondmen that existed from ancient times. The latter were inherited, while the former had to be set free aft er the death of their owner, having formalized a manumission record in the Kholopiy prikaz. The 1649 Sobornoe Ulozhenie clearly distinguished between these two categories of bondmen. From the beginning of the Great Northern War, Peter I ordered to enroll in the army house serfs (dvorovye) fit for military service and set free aft er the death of their owners. Lord’s men could also enroll in military service at will. After the extension of the per capita tax to the “boyar men” it was forbidden to enroll them in service, and the manumission of house serfs with manumission letters was resumed. Unlike legislative norms, the practical side of this widespread social phenomenon has not been adequately studied. The manumission records of house serfs in 1717–1780, preserved in the fonds of the Office of Justice in the Russian State Archive of Ancient Documents, as well as their petitions and the minutes of the Office of Justice allow us to elucidate the circumstances and procedure of manumission of house serfs, collisions that arose in this process, as well as the prospects of their further life. Manumission letters written at home were signed and sealed with the owner’s personal seal and certified by witnesses. In this case, they had to be registered in the serfdom institutions and then submitted to a Hofgericht (nadvorny court) or provincial chancellery to decide on the fate of the manumitted serf. Peter the Great’s tax reform contributed to the erasure of the distinction between old and kabala bondmen. The term kholop (bondman) was soon replaced by the term dvorovyi (house serf), and any house serf could be manumitted. Most of those manumitted again voluntarily signed up “forever” to the old or new master. The Manifesto of 17 March 1775 oriented the manumitted serfs to enter the petty bourgeoisie or merchant state and reflected the actual need to get rid of archaic forms of personal dependence.

The church calendar came to Russia together with Christianity and quickly came to be something more than a guide for organizing worship services. In the first centuries after the baptism of the Old Rus’, its elite began to systematically link the most important events of political and ecclesiastical life with the festive dates of the Menologion, Menaion and weekly liturgical cycles. The reasons for this can be both spiritual and symbolic as well as practical. The topic of such linking as a part of extra-devotional calendar practice in Russia has been actively studied in recent years, including the author of this article. For the first time in historiography, this paper raises the question whether Old Rus’ princes and bishops, when planning their public ceremonies, attached importance to the fact that many of the main celebrations of the church year, in addition to the main day of celebration, had the so-called fore- and aft erfeasts. The boundaries of these liturgical periods (like multi-day fasts) were regulated by church statutes, including the pre-Mongol Rus’ Alexios’s Stoudios Typikon. And although pre-Mongol sources do not provide explicit answers to the question posed above, they contain much evidence of the coincidence of these multi-day festive periods with princely and episcopal ceremonies, i.e. laying the foundation and consecration of churches, transfer of relics, entrances of bishops to their cathedral cities after their chirotony, intronizations of princes, their congresses, starting military campaigns and marriage rituals. Among these events, special attention should be paid to those which were not scheduled on the days often chosen when planning signifi cant public events, i.e. Sundays and the eve of holidays. The author came to the conclusion that pre- and aft erfeasts were indeed in the field of vision of the organizers of ceremonies and were apparently perceived by them as sacral and semantic “fields” of holidays. And this applies to the representatives of both church and secular elites.

The article continues the research on the artistic image in the Russian art of the first third of the 20th century and aims at studying the concepts of “steed”/“horse” in the art of the 1900s–1920s. From the beginning of revolutionary transformations in Russian art to the changes after 1917, the semantic meaning of the artistic image in its evolution is of particular interest. The basis for the study is largely fiction, in which the horse image was formed most fully. The multidimensionality of semantic relations within the boundaries of the synonymic paradigm with the general meaning of “horse” is examined in the article on the material of fine arts. The author studies the diversity of artistic roles, symbolic and semantic functions, which were given to the horse image in the art of a certain period and reveals the specificity of these roles depending on the artistic concept. Identification and recognition of the image occurs at different levels. The content of the concept is not revealed only through the plot. Unexpected semantic associations, suggested to the artist by visual, worldly, intellectual, emotional experience or creative intuition, are also possible. In this context, the quotations in the title of the article mark two main notions: “a horse as a horse” (V. Shershenevich) actualizes the direct meaning of “a horse as an animal”, and “we are all a little bit horses” (V. Mayakovsky) is a zoometaphor defi ning the inner state of a person. At this stage of the study, we can distinguish five main sections that allow us to structure and order the set of works containing the horse image: a village, a city, a rider, Apocalypse, a historical event (here the Civil War and collectivization). In order to fully understand the specifics of the semantic content of the horse image in the art during the study period, it is necessary to carry out some additional research. So far, the proposed text cannot claim to be an exhaustive solution to the problem, but outlines the vectors that allow us to continue its study

The two major late-Soviet memorial policy projects, “Hero Cities” and “Golden Ring”, had many differences as well as points of intersection in terms of their emergence and development. Each of them appealed to a specific sample of regions, and the struggle for inclusion in the projects was fought at the union, republican, and regional levels. Both were “showcase” destinations for domestic and foreign tourism. E.M. Boltunova and G.S. Yegorova’s monograph “Territory and History: Late Soviet Projects Hero Cities and Golden Ring” makes a significant contribution to the study of two memorial projects of late Soviet society, which provided for it more than new places of memory and tourist routes: they formed alternative foundation myths that competed with the underlying Soviet narrative. The novelty of the monograph is the task of finding points of intersection in the history of seemingly completely unrelated projects: E.M. Boltunova and G.S. Yegorova’s work is about how society and power searched for and created new national meanings and reference points. The cities marked with the title of “Hero Cities” began to be gradually correlated in public historical memory with the territories of the most important battles of the Great Patriotic War, while a number of cities and regions that “fell out” of this project found themselves outside the program of state memorialization of the war 1941–1945. The issue of composition and boundaries also became one of the key aspects of the Golden Ring route development. Representatives of each region tried to justify as convincingly as possible the necessity to pay attention to this or that city or district when implementing the project, as the inclusion of a city in the route would allow the corresponding region to get additional resources for development. The authors of the monograph dwell in detail on the mutual influence of the projects at the level of narratives and visual components, as well as on the self-positioning of the territories included in the projects and their perception.

The victory of the October Revolution in Russia in 1917 awakened the enthusiasm of advanced Chinese intellectuals to master the Russian revolutionary experience, and many young Chinese revolutionaries sought to study directly in the birthplace of October. In order to study Russian revolutionary theory and experience and achieve the goal of transforming the country, it was necessary to train a group of Russian-speaking cadres for the future revolution. The article deals with the history of the first cadre school of the Communist Party of China, the School of Foreign Languages in Yuyangli, a neighborhood of Shanghai. The research shows that, although it existed for only about a year, this school made an important contribution to the education of the first cadres of the CPC and to the development of the Chinese revolution. Its teachers and students vigorously propagated Marxism, actively participated in party construction, led the Chinese workers, peasants, youth, women’s movements and armed struggle. They played a special role in connecting Marxist theory with the practice of the Chinese revolution, developing and strengthening the Party’s organizational strength and expanding its political influence. Old Yuyangli and New Yuyangli are two neighboring streets. In 1920, it was here that a group of Chinese communists in Shanghai established the School of Foreign Languages, which actually became a school for training Chinese revolutionary cadres. The first group of young communists who studied here were sent to the USSR after only a few months of Russian language and political training. Upon returning home, most of the graduates of the School of Foreign Languages became prominent fi gures of the Chinese revolution. The spread of Marxism in China is closely connected with this group of young people who studied in the USSR. Yuyangli is not just a toponym and a place where the School of Foreign Languages was located, but it is a historical “witness” of the CPC’s more than century-long struggle for its ideals.

The authors examine inequality in an important branch of the Russian economy during the World War I using the materials of one of the large West Siberian enterprises. The study relies on the sources for the first time introduced into the scientific circulation: data from the funds of the tax inspectorate, which are related to the determination of the circle of income taxpayers and their earnings. The advantageous feature of these lists is that they include not only taxpayers (recipients of relatively high income), but all employees of the enterprise in general. Information on the wages of almost 400 employees of the Altai Railroad, from watchman to manager, was used to calculate the decile coeffi cient. This allows us to expand the field for microhistorical study of inequality by statistical methods through including new industries and new regions. In addition, one of the lists contains information that allows us to raise the question of the need to study additional parameters of inequality in Russia at the beginning of the20th century. It is shown that the income diff erentiation of railroad workers increases signifi cantly when taking into account their dependents (primarily children), i.e. taking into account family composition can change the inte rpretation of the degree of income inequality. Another list gives the authors a rare opportunity to examine the wages of railroad employees taking into account individual components of earnings (including salary, military increment, bonuses, payment for extracurricular work). The analysis of change in the decile ratio depending on the above-mentioned payment issues allowed us to prove that one of the weighty additions to the salary reduced the gap between the incomes of the highest and lowest employees, and the other, on the contrary, gave an opportunity to earn more to those who wanted it. Thus, it is demonstrated that one of the wage systems created before the revolution allowed to avoid simultaneously both problems that would become urgent for the new authorities in the 1920s — equalization and excessive inequality.

The history of science is intended to study not only the history of discoveries, hypotheses and methodology, but also human connections, which sometimes infl uence the formation and development of scientific knowledge no less than articles and books. Ephemerides of various kinds are particularly diffi cult to observe and study: topical hints understood only in a narrow circle, various statements on a subject that may be forgotten aft er the passage of time, a way of joking that has long since lost its relevance — all that is woven into the fabric of life, including scientific one, and without which it is impossible to imagine people who did science. At the center of the article is a poetic text found in the archive of the remarkable Russian astronomer V.K. Tserasky, who headed the Astronomical Observatory of Moscow University at the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries and put a lot of eff ort into its construction. The humorous work “Song about the Refractor” (1898) by the Berlin student Benno Messow is one of such samples of humor, which can shed light on the nature of scientifi c contacts between scholars from diff erent countries. The poem is a paraphrase of Friedrich Schiller’s famous “Song of the Bell”, deeply rooted in the tradition of German poetry. Meanwhile, the parodic “song” was presented to V.K. Tserasky, who, according to the presenter’s thought, was able to appreciate the subtlety of the joke. The construction of a refractor in the Moscow observatory seemed an excellent occasion to reuse the text dedicated to the completion of the same device in the Potsdam Astrophysical Observatory. This work is a testimony both to the scientists’ penchant for humor and to the versatile scientifi c and friendly ties between scholars and engineers of Russia and Germany at the turn of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. The article examines Messow’s poem, some details of his biography and the alleged circumstances of the song’s transfer to V.K. Tserasky.

The article examines various aspects of everyday life of holidaymakers in the Crimea in the initial period of the resort development on the peninsula. The sources are newspapers published in Sevastopol and other Crimean towns, guidebooks, memoirs of those who visited the Crimea in the period under study. The analysis shows a rather vivid picture of the life of resort residents and allows us to distinguish several layers of information: on the development of transport infrastructure and everyday travel details, accommodation options, accommodation and food prices, ways of spending leisure time. It is possible to trace a close connection between the evolution of living conditions of vacationers and the resort and recreational sphere as a whole and the economic and social development of the country. The creation of a network of railroads made the way to the Crimea cheaper and more convenient. In the early 20th century, recreation on the peninsula ceased to be elitist, and representatives of diff erent social strata came here. The influx of resort guests caused the development of the entire tourist infrastructure: the number of hotels grew, the local population actively entered the market of relevant services, providing rented furnished rooms and sightseeing services. Guidebooks and memoirs show the role in the life of holidaymakers of such traditional entertainments as bathing in the sea and walks in the mountains, as well as the ways of their organization. Separate bathing of men and women was practiced both in bathing houses and on beaches. Group and individual excursions to historical sites were becoming more popular. The analysis of memoirs demonstrates that the level of service caused complaints from vacationers, who were not happy with the high level of prices at hotels, unkempt servants in restaurants, etc. However, the ever-increasing interest of the Russian society to the Crimea as a vacation destination contributed not only to the improvement of the quality of services, but also to the change of living conditions on the peninsula: villages and towns were transformed into comfortable settlements, which had all the attributes of civilization — electricity, post offi ces, pharmacies and hospitals,

During the Eastern Crisis of the 1870s, the British political elites followed with particular attention the Panslavic ideas expressed in Russia and often perceived them as a threat of the Russian Empire’s expansion into the Balkan Peninsula. However, at the very beginning of the Eastern Crisis, the British Parliament’s attitude to the Russian Panslavism was neutral or even positive and it had a considerable impact on British-Russian relations. Britain’s perception of Russian Panslavism during this short but signifi cant period has not been researched yet. This article uses the materials of parliamentary debates to trace the transformation of images of Russian Panslavism in the British political discourse in 1876 and to analyze the mechanisms of their construction. The author identifi es three models of interpretation of Russia’s “Slavic interests”, first, as “Slavic sympathies” of the Russian population, second, as Russia’s “territorial ambitions”, and third, as “Russian intrigues”, which allegedly instigated Slav uprisings against the Ottoman Empire. In the summer of 1876, the interpretation of Panslavism as sincere sympathies of Russian society for its Slavic brothers received the greatest weight in the British political discourse. This interpretation contributed to the formation of a more positive image of Russia and even a temporary change in the pro-Turkish policy of the British government. However, by the late 1876, British politicians increasingly began to suspect the Russian government of “subversive Panslavism”. The formation of images of Russian Panslavism in the political discourse of Great Britain was infl uenced not only the traditional patterns of British foreign policy, but also by the internal political struggle that escalated during the “Bulgarian agitation”. Panslavism was also interpreted ambiguously due to the lack of information, so politicians oft en based their judgments on stereotypes about Russia, the Ottoman Empire and the Balkan peoples. Finally, parliamentarians’ views were also aff ected by a rethinking of their own British identity. British politicians revisited issues of relevance to Britain’s own attitudes to the sovereignty of empires, the uprisings of colonized peoples, moral responsibility and Britain’s international mission

The subject of the article is the ideas of the Russian foreign agents J. Balaszewicz and A. Stempkowski about the revolutionary democratic organization of the Polish emigration Republican Polish Center (RPC), which existed in 1867–1870. In historiography, this organization has been studied mainly from the point of view of its ideological features on the basis of sources created in the emigrant environment. The authors emphasize the expediency of a comprehensive treatment of alternative materials, Russian agent reports, that have been used only sporadically in the study of this topic. They allow us to shed light on the subjects that were previously on the periphery of the research optics, i.e. the problems of the involvement of the RPC in the counterfeiting of Russian banknotes and in plans to assassinate European monarchs. In the context of the problems under study, the question of the role of this organization in the international revolutionary movement is also raised in a new way. The authors examine two previously unused fragments of Stempkowski’s reports. The first of them contains data on the attitude of General J. Hauke-Bosak to counterfeiting, and the second one informs of the interception of the well-known letter of the Italian revolutionary G. Mazzini to the RPC, in which he expresses his opinion on the Slavic question in the Balkans and the role of the Polish national liberation movement in it. The article examines Balaszewicz’s reports, already published in Polish translation, from the perspective of the problems under study. It emphasizes that, according to agents’ reports, the RPC was actively involved in the plans of Italian and French republicans led by G. Mazzini to eliminate Napoleon III, but did not have the necessary resources and allies among other Polish emigrants to organize assassination attempts against Alexander II, who was a higher priority target for the Poles. The authors conclude that the RPC appears to be a minor link in the revolutionary projects of international radicals in the optics of Balaszewicz and Stempkowski’s reports.

The article is a publication of and extended commentary on Mikhail Kirillovich Gribovsky’s text. He was in charge of the Guards Corps’ secret military police service organized in the early 1820s, after the “Semenovsky history”. In 1822, he compiled a note which is kept in the Russian State Military History Archive. The commentary describes the prehistory of the creation of the secret police: Gribovsky’s activities, his brochure On the State of Landlords’ Peasants in Russia and its perception by contemporaries. The article provides general information about the service created by Gribovsky and peculiarities of its financing. It refers to Gribovsky’s note on the Decembrist Union of Prosperity (thanks to it Alexander I had information about this society) and his three more notes, published in the last decades. The author concludes that Gribovsky writes in his note about the attempts to fi nd the Brief Instructions to Russian Knights by M.A. Dmitriev-Mamonov, which were published in 1816 in limited edition and have not been preserved. He gives a brief history of the organization, the Order of Russian Knights, for which this brochure was compiled, and implies that this Order did not exist. Celebrities involved in the project of the Order of Russian Knights are listed. Despite the fact that the note is not signed, the author attributes it to Gribovsky on the basis of handwriting analysis and identifi es the likely person behind the abbreviation. The note shows how political police worked in Russia at the end of Alexander I’s reign. For example, the Gribovsky’s interest in the Order of Russian Knights was caused by the assumption that M.A. Dmitriev-Mamonov’s Brief Instructions to Russian Knights were, in fact, a charter of the Union of Prosperity.

The article examines the political will of the Norwegian king Sverrir (1177–1202), given by him, on his deathbed, to his son and successor Hakon Sverresson in the “charter on state governance”. Although this document has not survived and its content is unknown from any source, it is traditionally believed in the literature that the main instruction to the heir consisted in the immediate and unconditional reconciliation of the royal power and the church, which had been in acute confrontation since 1130. According to most scholars, Hakon fulfilled his father’s will, which is reflected in his capitulation letter to the Norwegian prelates. However, the analysis of this letter in close connection with other documents, which contain information about the events of that time, showed that neither Sverrir nor his son were going to surrender their positions before the episcopate. On the contrary, they insisted that all social and political forces should recognize them as the legitimate rulers of Norway, and accept the full internal and external sovereignty of the royal power. The author proves a close connection between Hakon’s letter to the prelates and the “Speech against the Bishops” (En tale mot biskopene), composed in the last years of Sverrir’s reign. The latter became the only authoritative text for both the royal epistle itself and the faction of the “royal party” behind his successor. The “charter on state governance” actually established Hakon Sverresson’s rights to Norway as an inalienable inheritance (odal), and the general wishes for domestic peace concealed essentially confrontational proposals. The author concludes that the actions taken by both the “ecclesiastical” and “royal” parties in 1202–1204 did not lay the foundations for the subsequent merger of these groups, as the previous research tradition argued, but, on the contrary, aggravated the struggle between them and between the factions within them

Restoration is one of the most important areas in preserving the world’s cultural heritage. The 19th century is a landmark in the history of restoration. At that time, it turned from a private practice of self-taught artists into a real scientifically based discipline. Many European countries have faced the problems of cultural heritage preservation, and everywhere they were solved in different ways, depending on local peculiarities and experience. This article deals with previously unknown facts from the life and activity of the first Russian restorer Andrei Filippovich Mitrokhin, who was born and studied painting in the town of Toropets. He served as a simple soldier, then on duty he ended up in Saint Petersburg, where he was soon granted a valet at the Hermitage. His career developed under Franz Ivanovich Labensky, who assumed the position of chief curator of paintings in the Hermitage Gallery in 1797. Mitrokhin’s role in the history of Russian restoration and, in particular, the Hermitage cannot be overestimated. He not only restored paintings and trained several apprentices, but also worked independently on the development of new methods of restoring paintings. By mastering new techniques and methods of mechanical restoration, Mitrokhin and his students managed to preserve more than a thousand paintings from the Hermitage collection, many of which are painting masterpieces. Unfortunately, some aspects of Mitrokhin’s biography, especially his life outside the Hermitage, have long been overlooked by scholars. This paper examines the problem of his alleged date of birth, family and friendship ties, etc. The archival data cited by the author allow us to take a fresh look at Mitrokhin as a restorer, and also shed light on some socio-cultural aspects of his time.

Archaeological and natural science studies of Paleolithic paint pigments (ocher) date back more than 100 years. However, until recently, the vast majority of studies were focused on the study of individual samples, not the whole corpus of this category of materials — mineral paint raw materials (in the broad sense of the term). The description of the theoretical approach and the available results obtained in the course of testing the method of the fixation of field data and laboratory processing of ocher samples, which come in diff erent shapes, sizes and differ in consistency, clearly demonstrate that it is fundamentally important to conduct an archaeological study of colorful pigments as a mass material prior to the natural science stage of the study. In the opposite case even goal-setting for subsequent interdisciplinary research will be virtually impossible, and its results will be extremely limited. A multifactorial study of paint materials can demonstrate a great variety of sample characteristics, both among diff erent layers of archaeological material and artifacts from the same site, and among diff erent sites. When approaching pigments as a mass material, statistical processing of the findings is necessary to form meaningful conclusions about the use of pigments on sites. The afore-said methodological approach reveals systemic differences, which opens up opportunities for comparison based on the methods of mathematical statistics. To obtain relevant data, such an approach requires the accumulation of a statistically signifi cant number of pigment samples, suitable from the point of view of field algorithms. Consequently, it is only the study of a maximum available array of specimens (including a maximum of small grains) of ocher from diff erent artifacts of the cultural layer, individual layers and diff erent sites that makes it possible to obtain information about the cultural similarities and diff erences in this part of the life strategies of Upper Paleolithic groups, including the identifi cation of the main stages of production chain. The proposed approach to the study of ocher as a mass material, if complying with the methodology of field work, is relevant for all types of archaeological sites of the Stone Age.

The subject of this study is a part of the scientifi c heritage of the Honored Professor of Moscow University, Iya Leonidovna Mayak (1922–2018), represented by her reviews on national and foreign monographs on Roman history, published in 1958–1999. The article deals with I.L. Mayak’s motives for writing the reviews, the methodological foundations of her analysis, her requirements for the source base and the historiographical rating of classical studies, their structure and the logic of presentation. It is noted that I.L. Mayak was opposed to dogmatism in the application of the theory of socio-economic formations as well as a hypercritical attitude to sources related to archaic Rome, the spread of which she considered to be the methodological consequence of Kantianism. It is shown that I.L. Mayak not only monitored the diffi cult process of rehabilitation of the ancient tradition as a source for studying the archaic Rome, but herself actively promoted this process, in particular by means of reviewing other people’s works. The study considers the requirements set out by I.L. Mayak for classical studies such as the need to provide a terminological analysis of sources data, to trace changes in the content of concepts over time, to show the possibility of various interpretations of the given facts. In the formulation of theoretical constructions I.L. Mayak considered essential to provide a concept against the background of the concepts introduced by predecessors, and if the problem was debatable, to indicate the view clearly and defi nitely. The analysis of reviews written by Iya Leonidovna allows us to conclude that they make it possible to expand our understanding of her academic views, especially on those problems of Roman history, which she did not directly examine in her monographs and articles, in particular, on the issue of preserving polis paradigm in the late Rom an Empire. Reviews by I.L. Mayak reflect her image memorable to many generations of historians: she was respect ful to colleagues, however critical of their work, delicate in remarks, stringently academic in expressing her thoughts. The article shows the polemic sharpness and dialogic character of the reviews by I.L. Mayak.

The review examins the monograph by A.B. Nikolaev “State Conference of 1917: Summoning, Composition, Activities”, published in 2022. The preparation and holding of the large-scale all-Russian event in the revolutionary year of 1917 are analyzed in the context of studying parliamentarism in Russia. The Moscow State Conference of 1917 arose from an urgent necessity for the coalition Provisional Government to strengthen its prestige and A.F. Kerensky’s personal power, as well as probably to receive a “tribune”, which could be used to give prompt explanations on all issues that would arise in the event of its transformation from an advisory institution as an ersatz parliament into a body with constituent functions. In addition, the Provisional Government was looking for opportunities on a state level to reconcile revolutionary socialist democracy and bourgeois liberalism movements, which had already completely split by that time. Moscow State Conference of 1917 assumed crucial signifi cance due to the desire to find a way out of the existing revolutionary impasse and to serve as a support for the weak and dependent dual state power. Having ensured this support, it would become a united, strong power, capable of saving the country from internal collapse. In an effort to prevail over the impending political and social anarchy, the Conference became a tense, dramatic episode of the Revolution of 1917. The observers and participants of the State Conference obviously regarded it as the “Zemsky Sobor of all the Russian Land” which met in the former capital of Russia to solve the pressing problems and give state power the physical and spiritual strength it needed. The results of the State Conference proved to be contradictory for all political forces. The Provisional Government was able to obtain majority support at the meeting, but the nature of this support indicated the extremely precarious position of the coalition. As a result of the research, the author of the reviewed monograph comes to the conclusion that the State Conference, while maintaining the coalition, did not strengthen it. Representatives of revolutionary democracy were forced to make concessions to the bourgeoisie, which subsequently led to the loss of revolutionary democracy’s authority among workers and soldiers.

The article concerns the organization of management at the Manchuria railway station in the early 20th century. The station was located on the Chinese territory, two kilometers from the Russian border. For several decades, the Russian population constituted a majority there; churches, schools and hospitals were built, and two customs offices operated. The management of the hamlet, which sprang up near the station, was carried out by the administration of the Chinese Eastern Railway. Simultaneously, at the time of the completion of the construction of the railway connecting branch “Chinese Junction — Manchuria”, part of the functions of the management of the station was taken over by the Trans-Baikal Railway. On the materials of the Russian State Historical Archive the author had shown that the joint management of the station by two railways at once had a number of peculiar features. To resolve disputes, the administration of the railways entered into special agreements. The first of them was signed in 1903 and made provision for all income and fees from the operation of the border section of the road from the Chinese border to the Manchuria station to go into the use of the Transbaikal road. All expenses for the operation of the rolling stock were also to be borne by the Trans-Baikal Road. The operation of the station facilities was strictly regulated: one part of the stone building for passengers, as well as the territories along the railway line, passed under the control of the Trans-Baikal Road, and the other — under the control of the China Road. Expenses for the maintenance and repair of the building for passengers, as well as other public facilities at the Manchuria station, were to be borne by each road in equal parts. The efficiency of the station largely depended on the due organization of the management system. The simultaneous participation in this process of the representatives of two railway departments at once led to a lack of unity of action in matters of organizing transportation. The state-owned Trans-Baikal Railway was dependent on the central departments. The Chinese Eastern Railway, as a private road, had broader competence. The presence of commercial agents at the Manchuria station did not add to unity, as they often pursued their own goals to the detriment of state interests.

Postcards as a reflection of German-Czech contradictions in the period of the Badeni crisis in the late 19th and early 20th centuries have more than once been the subject of study. The research novelty of this article lies in the fact that the problem is examined not through postcard images themselves, but from the point of view of the primary functionality of postcards as a means of communication and a commercial product. The author focuses on commercial, postal-technical, consumer practices, institutional and legal aspects, as well as the reception of postcard messages, both individual and public. Various national associations and private entrepreneurs, main producers of postcards, often deliberately radicalized their content in their political or commercial interests. The specificity of the postcard as a means of postal communication and its mass appeal served as the basis for unique practices in mobilizing supporters and criticizing opponents by “cartographical attacks”. Even the design of postcard forms was a means of national struggle and expression of personal position. Publishers of the respective orientations designed them in the “German” or “Czech” spirit, while the official position was to refuse any name for this postal product. At the same time, the numerous variants of handwritten edits concerning all the constituent parts of the postcard (technical design of the form, address, and stamp) allowed users to state their position on the national question. The legal side of postcards’ production, functioning and existence was determined, on the one hand, by conditions which were common to other types of printed matter, in particular, by the liberal press law of 1868, and, on the other hand, by postal regulations that periodically withdrew certain postcards from circulation. All this became the subject of litigations and debates in parliament and thus provided a way for postcards to enter the public sphere and, accordingly, served to attract further public attention to the national conflict and its aggravation.

The folk song “Transvaal, Transvaal, My Country” emerged in the Russian Empire about 120 years ago. It happened in the wake of the extraordinary public interest in the first major armed confl ict of the 20th century, the Anglo-Boer War of 1899–1902. The lyrics are based on a poem by a Saint-Petersburg poet, G. Galina. The song about the freedom struggle, which was waged by the people of a distant, but, like Russia, predominantly agrarian country, resonated with the early 20th-century Russian society. Its growing politicisation manifested itself in the keen interest that Russians took in the confrontation between two “peasant republics”, as Russian publicists termed them, and an empire, which had a strong army and a desire for expansion in the interests of its capital. The Russian song about a foreign war in Southern Africa became entrenched in Russian folklore and in Russian popular culture in general. A reason for the popularity of “Transvaal” in the Russian Empire was that the song enabled expressions of hope for social and political change in a form that was safe for the singer and his listeners under a repressive regime. The emergence and growing popularity of “Transvaal” coincided with the prevalence of protest sentiments in Russian society, among urban and rural residents, in the 1900s– 1910s. The song changed its meaning over the years. Sympathy for the Boers who fought against the British Empire was gradually replaced by sympathy for one’s compatriots. The Russian folk song, inspired by the events in South Africa, prompted people in the Russian Empire to refl ect on their own living conditions and the future of their homeland.

The article represents the first attempt at a comprehensive analysis of the economic journalism in A.S. Suvorin’s newspaper Novoye Vremya in the 1880s. It was a period when after heated discussions about the role of private and state capital in the economy, the public sentiment and government policy increasingly shifted in favor of the necessity of state ownership in such strategically important areas of the national economy as railways, mining plants and forests. After A.S. Suvorin acquired ownership of the Novoye Vremya in 1876, the newspaper took on a noticeable national-democratic slant, which became increasingly more conspicuous over the years. Despite the editor’s allegiance to the authorities, his contemporaries deservedly saw him as an independent figure. The influence of Suvorin’s newspaper was so signifi cant that the famous parlor general E.V. Bogdanovich tried (not always successfully) to use it to his advantage. Bogdanovich, who initially advocated the “concession” nature of the Siberian Railway, later supported its construction at the expense of the treasury. A.S. Suvorin himself, as well as such regular newspaper contributors as V.K. Petersen and K.A. Skalkovsky were also initially supporters of private capital, concerning it an active creative force. At the same time, Novoye Vremya assessed the German experience of “state socialism” quite positively, but pointed out its inapplicability to Russian conditions and the lack of a sufficient number of active and incorruptible officials in the country. In 1883 K.A. Skalkovsky engaged in polemics with M.N. Katkov, criticizing his project to create state-owned grain elevators. However, from the mid-1880s the editors of Novoye Vremya were forced to support “statist” tendencies in the economic life of the country. In general, the economic policy of that time was not as dogmatic as in the subsequent socialist era. Subject to political interests, it was rather instrumental, practical and situational in its orientation, and the ambiguity of the position of the publicists of Suvorin’s periodical largely resulted from the latter circumstance.

Using the example of the political activity of Marcus Valerius Messalla Corvinus, the article examines one of the variants of the relationship between the old republican nobility and Augustus during his principate. Messalla Corvinus was a representative of the oldest Roman aristocratic family of Valerii, one of the leaders of republicans in the epoch of civil wars and, later, a prominent fi gure of political and cultural life of Rome. For the fi rst time, the authors attempt to contextualize his career in a diffi calt era full of change. Th e study demonstrates one of the models of how the relationship between Augustus and the republican aristocracy was structured. It attempts, on the one hand, to understand the tactics of the princeps, to determine the ratio of pressure and encouragement to cooperation, and, on the other hand, to establish the limitations of the republican nobility and their independence. Th e article evaluates Messalla’s actions in the provinces, his appointment as a prefect of the city (praefectus urbi) and subsequent refusal to fulfi l this position, Messalla’s performance of the offi ce of a water commissioner (curator aquarum), his memoirs, and his contribution to Augustus’ “building program”. Domestic and foreign researchers have oft en characterized Messalla Corvinus’ activities as a “bridge” between two epochs in the history of the Roman state. However, in the opinion of the authors, Messalla appears to be a more independent and extraordinary personality, who was capable of not only having his own opinion, but also making his own choices, which sometimes diverged from the policy of the princeps. Noble origin, outstanding talents, ambitious aspirations and at the same time moderate claims together with skillful political calculation could provide Messalla Corvinus not only with the highest social and political position, but also with the independence in the “restored republic”, when the course of events ruined some and elevated others.

Since the birth of independent Poland in 1918, historians and publicists have been arguing about who deserves the main credit for this most signifi cant event in the modern history of the Polish nation. In the period between the world wars, the dispute for supremacy was fought between J. Piłsudski and R. Dmowski, in socialist Poland they were supplanted by the Russian October Revolution, but already in the 1980s the debate resumed with renewed vigor. The compromise solution proposed by Prof. S. Kieniewicz was not widely supported. Since the 1990s, there has been a steady return to pre-war approaches to the problem. Thus, political forces other than the pilsudniks and national democrats, led by R. Dmowski, once again remain outside the field of vision of the authors writing on this topic. Among them are conservatives of the Kingdom of Poland, through whose eff orts, from September 1917 to 14 November 1918, the construction of the state institutions of the Kingdom of Poland was underway with the consent of the Central Powers. The Kingdom was formed by the act of Emperors Wilhelm II Hohenzollern and Franz Joseph Habsburg of 5 November 1916. The contribution of the conservatives is clearly underestimated; moreover, they alone are accused of pursuing a conciliatory (Ugodian) policy towards the Russian, first, and then the German and Austro-Hungarian authorities, although all other political parties in the Polish lands, with the exception of the social democrats of the Kingdom of Poland and Lithuania, also took conciliatory positions at the beginning of the 20th century. Moreover, it was these parties, which were united under the general name of “activists”, who responded to the manifesto of 5 November and sent their representatives to the Provisional State Council of the Polish Kingdom. The conservatives, on the other hand, took a wait-and-see attitude in November 1916 and refused political cooperation with the German and Austro-Hungarian occupation authorities until September 1917.

The female image presented in the small painting “Allegory of Music” by Filippino Lippi (Gemaeldegalerie, Berlin) is most likely associated with the plot of a theatrical performance played out in 1475 in Pesaro on the occasion of the wedding of Costanzo Sforza and Camilla of Aragon. The similarity of the attributes of the heroine with the attributes of the muse Erato, who greeted the newlyweds, was pointed out by A. Warburg, who placed two images, the Filippino board and an illustration from the Vatican manuscript containing the text of the wedding performance, next to each other in his “Mnemosine Atlas”. It is impossible to substantiate this version with documents, but the Florentine artist, who nominally interprets the plot differently from the anonymous northern Italian miniaturist, could be familiar with the description of the celebration, known not only from illustrated lists, but also from printed brochures. The origins of the “Allegory of Music” are traditionally traced to a wedding commission — on the occasion of the marriage of Giovanni Vespucci and Namicina Nerli in 1500 — which also included paired spalliers depicting “History of Lucretia” and “History of Virginia” by Sandro Botticelli and a panel by Piero di Cosimo displaying bacchanalia. The present article advances arguments in favor of this version, building on other episodes of cooperation between Botticelli and Filippino Lippi, both between the two of them and with the two intermarried Florentine families. The painting in question contains elements that may indicate its connection with the wedding ritual. It is impossible to establish how all the listed panels were arranged in the interior. However, on the whole, this alleged ensemble, designed in the all’antica style, could be thought of as a glorification of sublime and chaste love. The theme, traditional for the decoration of the matrimonial bedroom, is eleborated simultaneously in brutal scenes from Roman history, which in Florentine artistic culture were laden with explicit republican connotations, as well as in small-scale mythological “poetry”, that softens political accents and, moreover, can be associated with a magnifi cent princely wedding, glorifying the nobility of the newlyweds.

According to the generally accepted view there were no stainedglass windows in ancient Russian religious architecture. This opinion is undoubtedly based on the absence of stained-glass sets in the then-existing temples that have survived to this day. The information collected by the author of the article, on the contrary, testifies to the use of stained-glass windows in the architecture of Ancient Rus. One of such testimonies is the discovery of three stained-glass windows in the Yaroslavl’ Kremlin, in the cultural layers of the first half of the 13th century. To establish the place of production, the windows were studied using optical emission spectrography. The analysis in all three cases showed the same chemical composition — wood-ash lead glass. This type of glass was imported to Rus’, and is well known in stained glass windows of the twelfth–fifteenth centuries proceeding from what is now Germany and Austria. An additional argument for the non-local origin of the Yaroslavl’ finds is the use of casting and rolling techniques in the manufacture of glass. The present study makes it possible to expand the geography of the distribution of glass with the indicated composition, which, until recently, was mainly limited to the area of Central Europe. The uniformity of all the characteristics of the stained-glass finds indicates that they belong to a single set of stained-glass windows. Most likely, they were used in the Assumption Cathedral, the only stone building that existed in Yaroslavl’ in the pre-Mongolian period. It was founded, according to chronicles, in 1215 by the Rostov prince Konstantin Vsevolodovich. The question of how stained-glass windows from German-speaking countries ended up in Yaroslavl’ was resolved owing to the art history research by V.V. Sedov, who established that the Assumption Cathedral in the capital of the principality, Rostov, was founded by the same prince Konstantin Vsevolodovich in 1213 and built with the participation of Romanesque — apparently German — craftsmen who worked on creating the decor of the building. This suggests that the German craft smen also took part in the decoration of the Yaroslavl’ Cathedral, and this was why the material for future stained-glass compositions was brought to Rus’..

The aim of the study is to examine the activities of professional academic associations in the U.S., which are close to the memory institutions in Europe. The author examines the role of professional associations as memory institutions in the development of memorial culture through the representation of the past in contemporary politics, its reflection in public and public spaces of American society. The novelty of the study lies in the comparison of institutions that determine the main vectors and trajectories of historical policy as memory policy in the United States. The article analyses the problems of the activities of institutionalized actors of collective memory policy in the U.S., including the American Historical Association, the Organization of American Historians and the Southern Historical Association. It hypothesizes that these groups can shape civil society versions of collective memory as alternatives to politically motivated use of the past by political elites. The article deals with the institutional and formal features of historical politics in the United States, the participation of historical associations in memorial confl icts and “memory wars”, issues of politicization of history and the academic community’s attempts at forming a canon of historical collective memory which is formally free from ideological infl uences. The activities of professional historical associations have supposedly been a factor in the development of revisionism in the interpretation of the history of the American South and the Confederate States of America. Therefore, the author considers the role and responsibility of American historians as public intellectuals who shaped compromise versions of memorial culture that contributed to the consolidation of society. The article highlights the contribution of professional historical associations as memory institutions to the development of mnemonic spaces of American society and its memorial culture. It analyses the attempts of American historians to preserve the “purity” of academic research in the context of the growing ideologization and instrumentalization of history by ruling elites. The research results suggest that memory institutions are an important factor in the development of contemporary identities in the United States in the context of revision of the past and the formation of new or alternative memorial canons in American political culture.

The article is devoted to the memory of Vladimir Anatolievich Georgiev, Associate Professor of the Faculty of History at Moscow State University, his scholarly heritage and participation in the activities of Professor N.S. Kinyapina’s school in the study of foreign policy of the Russian Empire, especially concerning national peripheries — the Caucasus and Central Asia. The author provides the main facts of Georgiev’s biography, including information about the activities of his parents, who were also professional historians and graduates of the Department of History, Moscow State University. Georgiev was a representative of one of the four generations of this family who graduated from the Faculty of History of Moscow State University. His scholarly career and many years of teaching are connected with the Department of Russian history in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Under the supervision of Professor N.S. Kinyapina he successfully defended his PhD thesis “Russian Foreign Policy in the Middle East in the Late 1830s and Early 1840s” and published a corresponding monograph in the mid-1970s. The article also deals with his major publications in the Soviet and post-Soviet periods, in particular, with his contribution to the collective monograph The Eastern Question in Russian Foreign Policy. From the Late Eighteenth through the Early Twentieth Century. Special attention is paid to the group set up by Georgiev for research on Russian policy in the Caucasus during the imperial period. The article lists all of the students, who studied under his direction from writing student essays to defending dissertations and compiling their own monographs. Georgiev’s multifaceted work on popularization of historical knowledge in text- and handbooks for students and schoolchildren is not forgotten. They are still in great demand and published in large editions. Georgiev also wrote for the Soviet Military Encyclopedia and the Large Russian Encyclopedia.

The article is a tribute of respect to the memory of Gennady Evgenyevich Markov, a major Russian ethnologist, archaeologist and historian of primitive society, doctor in history, professor of the Department of Ethnology, Faculty of History, Lomonosov Moscow State University. The authors provide a detailed analysis of the scientific contribution and life path of the outstanding Soviet/Russian scholar and place their narrative in a broad socio-cultural and intellectual context of the country and society. G.E. Markov’s biography is closely connected with the history of the Department of Ethnography/Ethnology at the Faculty of History, Moscow State University and serves as a serious basis for reconstructing the genesis of university ethnography and its dynamics over the course of nearly 85 years. Such a long period of existence of the university department and its sustainable effectiveness in training professional staff were essentially ensured by the high qualifi cation of scientific and pedagogical staff, reliance on solid theoretical and methodological foundations and interdisciplinarity, a combination of conservatism with flexibility and adaptability to the challenges of the time, the ability to preserve disciplinary continuity and ensure the transmission of the scholarly tradition. All these components of the successful development of university ethnology are subjected to a comprehensive and balanced examination in the article. G.E. Markov’s biography in all its typical and special manifestations forms the semantic core of the analysis and presentation. The authors offer their view on complex and sharply debatable issues of professional self-determination,.

In the 1960s the Komsomol began to give particular attention to its international activity, which was not only limited to participation, but also involved the organization of many different events for foreign youth and students — international friendship camps, forums, trips of foreign delegations. The creation of the Committee of Youth Organizations of the USSR (KMO USSR) and the Sputnik International Youth Tourism Bureau (BMMT) contributed to the intensification of the tourist exchange between Soviet and foreign youth. Both organizations were subordinate to the Central Committee of the Komsomol and received funding from the Komsomol budget. In 1962, additional funds started being allocated for international activities, as evidenced by a new item of expenditure that appeared in the budget of the Komsomol. Most of this money was spent by the Central Committee, with excessive expenditure on the reception of foreign delegations and gifts, which was repeatedly noted by audit checks. Twelve to thirty committees with international youth camps (out of 86 regional Komsomol committees) received money under the framework of this funding item. During the period under study, the Komsomol actively helped with the payment of organizational fees to the funds of the World Festivals of Youth and Students, and then began to provide direct material assistance to the youth organizations in Eastern Europe, Asia and Africa, which regularly applied for it. It is important to note that the annual increase of spending on international activities occurred in the context of the termination of state funding for the Komsomol, which in 1959 became fully financially self-sufficient. Based on a wide range of archival documents introduced into scientific circulation for the first time, the article presents an analysis of the financial activities of the Central Committee of the All-Union Leninist Young Communist League, its sources of funding and directions for spending the funds allocated for international activities. The relevance of the study is determined by the lack of serious scholarly investigation of this problem and the need to study the financial support of international activities in order to give a comprehensive assessment of its impact and efficiency.

The article examines the history of menu formation in the Russian public eating establishments in the19th and early 20th centuries. Taverns and pancake houses appeared in the 16th and 17th centuries. the main principles of cookery (its bread character, the use of grits or flour in all dishes and main drinks) are outlined on the basis of available sources of that time. There were important food bans (besides fasts): to eat blood, animal prey, calves, goats, pigeons, bears, etc. Due to these prohibitions medieval Russian cuisine did not use finely chopped raw meat (minced meat), respectively, there were no sausages and pates. The materials of archaeological research allow to determine the ratio of the main elements in the diet of medieval urban dwellers and cooking technology. The author pays special attention to the evolution of stoves and hearths, the gradual development of the construction of the Russian oven at the turn of the 15th and 16th centuries. She traces the innovations of the late 17th and 18th centuries, reveals the intensifi cation of the innovation process in the 18th century and its influence on both kitchen equipment and new ways of making butter, sour cream, sauces, etc. The article briefly deals with the evolution of 18th-century cookbooks from the formation of the genre (ca. the 1730s) to the generalized compilations of the 1790s and examines their vocabulary and structure. It is noteworthy that their authors were not cooks, but officials-translators looking for literary work. The author suggests the existence of a handwritten collection of recipes for the traditional Russian cuisine, known to the compilers of culinary compilations in the 18th century. She focuses on the adaptation of new dishes, drinks, foods, and the special role of eating establishments (eateries, taverns, herbergs) in this process. Through the example of tea-drinking the author demonstrates the way of transformation of the earlier unknown dishes into the customary and widespread ones, which became the attributes of traditional tavern cuisines by the middle of the 19th century.

The article covers the important aspects of the Russian-Swedish war of 1741–1743, which has attracted little attention in Russian historiography. The war was waged over three campaigns, witnessed by two British ambassadors in Russia, Edward Finch and Cyril Wyche. Based on the diplomatic correspondence of the British ambassadors, previously unexplored in the Russian historical science, the author analyzes the information which they received from high-ranking Russian offi cials, including commanders of the troops, and then passed on to London. In particular, it concerned the state of the Russian armed forces on the eve of the war with Sweden. The diplomats noted and informed their superiors about the weaknesses of the Russian navy. Keeping track of the course of the war, the ambassadors briefed the Secretary of State about its causes, the main being the desire of the Swedes to abrogate the conditions of the Nishtad peace and regain the territories lost during the Northern War of 1700–1721. Both ambassadors acknowledged the courage and heroism shown by the Russian soldiers in battles with the enemy, as well as their humane treatment of the captured Swedes. At the same time, they drew attention to the manifestations of cruelty infl icted by irregular troops who participated in the raids in Finland. The dispatches of the ambassadors also reveal the stance taken by a number of countries towards the conflict between Russia and Sweden: hostile on the part of France and generally benevolent on the part of offi cial London, which did not want to spoil relations with the Russian court on the eve of the conclusion of the 1742 Treaty of Alliance. Other documents of indisputable interest are manifestos (included in the correspondence of diplomats) addressed by the Swedish king and the Russian empress to the population of the border territories and aimed at showing goodwill towards the enemy troops. The facts about the Russian-Swedish war presented by the British ambassadors and analyzed in the article fill the existing gap in one of the episodes of Russian-Swedish relations in the middle of the eighteenth century.

The article examines a little-studied problem in the period of formation of the system of overland roads in the central part of the Russian state. The purpose of the study is to find out how stable were the road routes in the southern (Zaretskaya) part of the Moscow uyezd in the 17th and the fi rst third of the 18th century. This choice is explained by the fact that the roads in the southern part of the uyezd, separated from its northern (Zamoskovnaya) part by the Moskva river, were a unified complex of communications. The research was based on the cadasters of 1627–1629, Moscow uyezd’s maps of the second half of the 17th century, as well as land surveyor’s plans in the 1720s from the map collection of J.-N. Delisle. The study included identifi cation of settlements indicated on the early 18th-century maps and plans of the second half of the 17th century, a comparison of identified settlements, and search for settlements from the cadasters of 1627–1629 on the basis of comparisons of maps and plans (in some cases, the settlements in the cadasters have references to roads that serve as landmarks). The author concludes that five major roads in southern Moscow suburbs, New Mozhaisk, Zvenigorod, Borovsk, Kashira and Kamensk roads, were formed up to the mid-17th century and kept their importance throughout the 18th century. They were postal highways, “federal highways” of that time. It is impossible to draw a conclusion about the route stability of country roads on the basis of the analyzed sources. The data of cadasters of 1627–1629 allows to confi rm that at least three out of five roads (Borovsk, Kamensk and Kashira) existed not only in the second, but also in the first half of the 17th century. The absence of the Zvenigorod road in the Zaretskaya part of the uyezd in the cadasters does not mean that it did not exist in the first third of the17th century. Most likely the scribe simply did not indicate it as a landmark.

The Rule of Joseph Volotsky (1439–1515) was known to his first biographers of the 19th century, P.S. Kazansky, N.A. Bulgakov and I. Khrushchov. All of them worked with the Rule incorporated in the Great Menaion Reader by Metropolitan Macarius of Moscow and All Russia. Ya.S. Lur’e at 1950th discovered a different version of the Rule, the brief one, which consists of 11 Discourses, and several collections with an incomplete set of Discourses and potential Discourse 12. The brief version was published by Ya.S. Lur’e together with potential Discourse 12 in 1959. He characterized the manuscript tradition of the Rule as very stable in contrast to another work, the Enlightener. The author of the article found the manuscript in OR GIM (Manuscript Department of the State Historical Museum), Diocesan Collection, N 248. It is indicated as Discourse 12 of the Enlightener in the description, but, after having examined the manuscript, the author identifi ed this text as fragments of Joseph Volotsky’s Rule, which can be dated to the late 15th century, and thus it is a lifetime fragments of the Rule. The verification of the versions helps to establish that the first fragment is Discourse 11 of the Extended Rule. It is followed by the previously unknown Discourse 12, which is very much alike with Discourse 13 of the Menaion version. It is followed by Discourses 2 and 3 of the Brief Rule, and by a substantially shortened text of Discourse 13. The author concludes that originally the Brief Rule may have contained 13 instead of 11 Discourses. At the same time the Brief Rule consists of two “wills”, and the second one contains Discourses 12–14. Ya.S. Lur’e established that much of their content duplicates the first 11 Discourses. In the Moskovskiye tserkovnyye vedomosti the auther found a note with references to the lost manuscript N 482 from the Volokolamsk Monastery, which could contain only the “second” will without the first. He concludes that the Menaion redaction could originally contain 11 Discourses instead of 14, and the merging of the two wills occurred after the death of Joseph Volotsky

Jean-Baptiste Greuze (1725–1805) was famous for portraits and moralizing family scenes. At the same time, he achieved exceptional success in popularizing his art by engraving genre compositions. This article examines preparatory modellos for his family scenes and the organization of their engraving process. This aspect of his activity has not been yet studied, and his drawings are little covered in Russian-language literature. The study reconstructs step by step the activity of Greuze as a popularizer of family scenes in prints on the basis of the documents available to the author, analysis of original drawings and prints from Russian and foreign collections. It highlights such aspects of the creative process as preparation of compositions for engraving, achievement of specific qualities in the drawings in connection with the technologies of further reproduction, interaction with engravers and organization of creative and technical works within the special association. The author concludes that the master chose a limited number of engraving techniques by the criterion of the most accurate reflection of the artistic properties of the originals. By engaging a special circle of engravers, he created a monopoly association to control the process of creating, producing and selling prints. As a result, Greuze achieved outstanding and specific artistic qualities in his drawings intended for further duplication. Even contemporaries paid attention to the excellent quality of Greuze’s engravings, which amazingly accurately conveyed the individuality of his technique, and singled them out among the mass production of general circulation in eighteenth-century France. This system of creation and popularization of drawings was innovative in the field of engraving. It reveals practical and business abilities of the outstanding artist, as well as a new insight into Greuze’s artistry.

When setting the goal and objectives of this article, the author proceeded from the fact that the well-studied early history of the palace settlements (dvortsovoe settlements) of Moscow uyezd and other central uyezds of the Russian State is very rarely integrated into the study of their current state, largely formed under the influence of their past as palace settlements. The sources for the article comprise numerous reference books on the history of the former palace estates, as well as online resources based on official primary sources on the current state of particular settlements. The author has identified the main socio-demographic characteristics of 162 out of the 178 settlements included in the List of palace volosts and villages for 1705. The settlements whose historical fate has not been identified are either those whose names have changed beyond recognition or the ones that have completely melted into other settlements. A quantitative analysis of various administrative and socio-demographic parameters of the former palace villages, first of all, made it possible to trace changes in the settlement status of the former palace villages of Central Russia in the 18th — early 21st centuries and to reveal isolated cases of the complete disappearance of the former palace settlements. The analysis of the changes in the administrative status of the former palace villages has shown that the potential given to them when they were founded, was eventually instrumental in the transformation of the two-thirds of them into local administrative centers. The article interprets population growth in 70% of studied palace settlements, which continued up to the end of the 20th century, as an indicator of their successful demographic development. A study of the socio-economic development of the palace villages led to the conclusion that many of them in the 18th–19th centuries became and now remain local commercial, industrial and socio-cultural centers. In conclusion, the article states that a number of long-term historical, historical-geographical, historical-cultural factors contributed to successful, and unparalleled at present, socio-demographic development of almost one and a half hundred former palace settlements. This relative success manifested itself against the backdrop of the withering of thousands of Russian rural settlements.

The article deals with the main directions of cooperation in the sphere of education within the framework of the Union State. The novelty of the study lies in the fact that for the first time it formulates and introduces the authors’ research position, clearly outlines the boundaries separating the processes which take place within the Union State, and traces the development of the Russian-Belarusian interaction. In the context of this concept the authors identify and formulate the main stages of development of these processes and systematize the main trends of formation of the normative-legal base of the common educational space and measures for its practical implementation. They examine the interaction between the Russian Federation and the Republic of Belarus within the Union State framework in the general context of the Union State building. The following stages are outlined: the preliminary stage from 1995 through 1999 included the maintenance of equal rights of citizens at the level of interstate relations and in the beginning of the Union State building; the second stage from 1999 through 2012 provided the normative-legal base of the educational space of the Union State and implementation of the existing norms; the third stage from 2012 through 2018 was characterized by gradual growth of attention of the governing bodies of the Union State to the problems of humanitarian cooperation, adaptation of the normative-legal acts to the actual changes in the sphere of education of the two countries; the fourth stage from 2018 until now is regarded as a high time for formation of a single space of education of the Union State for further development of integration. The article categorizes and characterizes the actions taken by the bodies of the Union State, educational institutions and professional circles in order to develop cooperation in the field of education. The study identifies the role of diaspora public organizations in the processes under consideration. The authors conclude about the special role of educational and scientific organizations, professional associations and civil society institutions of the two countries in the development of a unified educational space.

Recent years have seen the possibility of introducing into scientific circulation declassified documents of the highest state and political bodies, public organizations, and the spiritual directorates of Muslims, which until now were unknown in wide circles. They allow us to examine the forms and methods of activity of the Soviet state in building relationships with Muslims and to identify the directions, principles, and features of the work of state and public organizations in this sphere. A characteristic feature of religious policy in the late 1960s, one of the main conductors of which was the Council for Religious Affairs under the USSR Council of Ministers, established in December 1965, was the creation of a picture of the harmony of religious life and prosperity of religious organizations in the country. The Soviet Union demonstrated to the world that Soviet Muslims, like their co-religionists from other states, could go on Hajj to Saudi Arabia. The quantity of Hajj travelers from the USSR was extremely small and there was a huge disproportion not only between them and the number of Muslims who wanted to perform Hajj but also between the number of applications received by the organizers of the Hajj and the authorities, including the Council for Religious Affairs. At the same time, the heads of Muslim spiritual administrations could travel to Hajj several times. Analysis of archival documents discovered in 2022 showed the attitude to Muslims who made the Hajj from several angles: from the Soviet state, ordinary Muslims of the USSR, the authorities and Muslims of the countries visited by Soviet pilgrims during their journey, such as Sudan and Egypt. Very revealing is the attitude towards the Soviet pilgrims from the inhabitants of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, ranging from ordinary people to the authorities, including the king.

The article examines the 1952 “Book of Tasty and Healthy Food” in the context of the development of mass agitation and propaganda in the USSR. This colorful and richly illustrated publication was not only a guide to cooking, but also set the task of planting the idea of the achievements of socialist construction in people’s mind. The book proclaimed the triumph of the Soviet food industry and housing construction development. It was the first to describe such a social space as the kitchen, a place for cooking, and it dealt with a personal kitchen, and the appearance of gas stoves and refrigerators. The author shows that the guide, not least of all set the goal of stimulating the buying activity of citizens in order to replenish the state budget. The recipes presented in the book were aimed at different income strata of the society and people of various occupations. The book advertised delicatessen products: black caviar, artichokes, champagne, sturgeon, etc. At the same time, some of the recipes were targeted at working women, and the book featured a wide selection of convenience foods produced by the food industry. However, turning to the actual living conditions of citizens in this period allows us to conclude that for many readers the book was just a myth of a blissful life. The analysis of appeals made by citizens to the executive bodies shows that many of them did not even entertain the hope for the change for the better, and the process of modernization of the housing stock continued in violation of the norms of social justice. The abundance of food that was demonstrated in the book existed solely on paper. Even in large cities the distribution of food supplies to regular grocery stores was uneven. The situation in the provinces was even more patchy. In a planned economy, some foodstuffs were shipped over long distances. All this created the prerequisites for food shortage, and the “Book of Tasty and Healthy Food” was intended to fulfill, above all, an ideological mission.

The personnel matter in the physical culture movement from 1918 through 1930 has not yet practically become the object of special study, despite the fact that the success of this movement which was given an important role in education of “new man” and mobilization of labor resources in Soviet state depended to a large extent on solving the staffing problem. The article presents a comprehensive analysis of this problem in the above-mentioned period. The author examines patterns in the qualitative and quantitative changes in the cadre of instructors, as well as identifies the factors that influenced this process. An acute shortage of instructors (coaches) was a characteristic phenomenon in these years. Since physical education was to become one of the most important tools of education in the spirit of communist ideals and at the same time a method of restoring the health of the population, it was necessary to make the physical culture movement a mass movement, and therefore it required a large instructor staff. According to the materials reviewed, there were a number of problems on the way to achieve large-scale participation. The principal one was financial, so the number of educational institutions and courses grew extremely slowly, and the instructors were often not interested in high quality work. Another problem was the social composition of the instructor cadres, since physical education, according to Soviet ideologists, could not be apolitical and exist for the sake of sports achievements. The situation was aggravated by the inconsistency of the work of various departments and organizations. All these facts taken together led the Soviet leadership to the conviction that the problem could not be solved without strict regulation and control of personnel training, as well as large-scale financial support. The system of management of the physical culture movement was radically rebuilt, and the shortage of personnel was comprehensively solved due to the decisions of the Party and the Soviet government, Komsomol and trade unions in 1929 and 1930.

Trends in modern historiography are largely determined by the influence of the linguistic turn in the methodology of study of Russian history, including the development of discursive analysis of textual sources which reflect the worldview of contemporaries. The historical community has realized the methodological inadequacy of both the use of the Western scientific language and the search for universal historical concepts suitable for the study of the history of any country, regardless of its socio-cultural uniqueness. Currently, the principle of contextuality is brought to the forefront, that is, the study of historical phenomena within the socio-cultural environment that gave rise to this phenomenon, which actualizes the treatment of the political history of the Russian Empire with the use of new optics, i.e., the methodology of discursive analysis of the texts of contemporaries. Cognitive possibilities of the named approach can be demonstrated on the example of the analysis of the language of the texts representing the content of public and memorial discourses about the elections to the State Duma of the Russian Empire, voters and people’s deputies. The author focuses on the concepts used by contemporaries, which reflected the historical and cultural national specificity of the perception of “Russian voter” and “people’s representatives” as actors in the historical process, who were called to “participate in the destiny of their country”. Thus, the disclosure of the meaning of the most frequently used concept “Russian” in the discourse of contemporaries includes its understanding as a representation of the guardian of the tradition of national political culture, and as a centripetal force, uniting Russians in their awareness of their ethno-cultural identity. This specificity is recorded in contemporaries’ explanation of the significance of the project of the representation of people, “granted by the tsar’s will”, which represents a form of “inherently Russian autocracy”. The Russian voter’s awareness of civic identity in the public and memorial discourses of his contemporaries is represented by the perception of “elected ones from the population” as “their own” in contrast to the government officials who act as “aliens”. Revealing an authentic meaning of the notions, used by the contemporaries, it is possible to understand the world of values, rules of social communication during the decisive historical period of reforms and revolutions in Russia at the beginning of the 20th century.

The article examines letters by Ekaterina Aleksandrovna Sergeeva (Tanskaya), who was born in Verkhneudinsk (now Ulan-Ude), to her relatives and friends during her education at Troitskosavsk high school and, from 1903, the Bestuzhev Higher Women’s Courses. The post-reform development of the Russian Empire greatly diversified women’s living conditions. The introduction of the concept of personal freedom and the modernization of the educational system stimulated social emancipation in general, and women’s emancipation in particular. Social changes are reflected in private lives, particularly in personal correspondence. In her letters, Sergeeva goes beyond the female “domestic” narrative, enriching it with pictures of education, reflections on the books she read and on socio-political events, and a presentation of her inner self. Her correspondence can be roughly assigned to the period in Troitskosavsk, when she thought upon and wrote extensively about her desire to become independent, and to the time in Saint Petersburg when she actively implemented her new-found independence. In addition, the letters reveal the birth of a new kind of woman, whose life is not limited to her female duties. The study of Sergeeva (Tanskaya)’s letters leads to the conclusion that the circle of out-of-home interests of women began to form even in the outskirts of the Russian Empire. While this progress developed in the central regions of the empire during the nineteenth century, it was slow and limited in Transbaikalia. Sergeeva’s letters are a unique historical source for the region, allowing us to reconstruct history through the eyes of women, whose view of personal, social and state events was not examined by specialists in the social sciences and humanities until the late twentieth century.

The research is based on the analysis of the 1821 detailed description of the premises of the apartment of the Moscow University professor Heim, who had just passed away. From 1781 Heim, who maintained ties with Germany, rose to professor and then to rector of the Moscow University. His home environment provides material for reconstruction of the life of a “Russian German”, a representative of academic culture (with its academic everyday life). According to the inventory, the rector’s apartment near Mokhovaya Street contains four living rooms, a kitchen and a stable (on the lower floor). The room-by-room description of furniture, clothing, utensils and other household items, and information on the composition of the home library embody the anthropological characteristics of the professor’s subculture. The author of the article views a home item as a tangle of cultural practices, and the structure of the home and its contents as an embodiment of the professor’s way of life. The list of numerous kitchen utensils, a carriage, a droshky and several sets of harness in the stable indicate the complete autonomy of existence, and a large number of chairs and dining utensils allows us to speak about a certain degree of the publicity of the space. A set of clothes (casual and ceremonial), orders, letters of loan and idle money indicate a relatively high material and social status of Heim, demonstrate prosperity, the desire for domestic convenience of a “private man”. But the restrained style of apartment decoration, lots of desks, books, measuring instruments and stationery (attributes of routine academic writing) speak of the priority of the professor’s intellectual pursuits at home. The material of the inventory, considered against historical and cultural background, allows us to expand our views on understudied subculture of university professors as a specific layer of “middle-class people”, Russian intellectual elite of the late 18th and the early 19th centuries..

Thе article examines a unique case in the history of the Catholic Church: the execution of Archbishop of York Richard Scrope for his participation in a rebellion against the king in 1405. Conflicts between monarchs and prelates were common in medieval Europe. Occasionally, sovereigns impri­soned recalcitrant hierarchs and might even have physically eliminated them, but never by public execution. The author discusses the possible reasons that led Richard Scrope, who supported Henry Bolingbroke’s ascent to the English throne in 1399, to raise an army against his king. Should the Archbishop’s rebellion be seen in the context of the July 1403 mutiny of Henry and Thomas Percy with whom Scrope was related or should we look for an imitation of Thomas Becket, who openly opposed Henry II to protect the liberties of the English Church? In addition to attempting to find answers to these questions, the article examines the public outcry caused by the execution of the archbishop. First, it deals with the reaction of the papacy and the measures taken by the Archbishop of Canterbury Thomas Arundel to conceal from the people information about the excommunication of those involved in the execution, including the king himself. Second, it deals with the rumors that circulated in English society about the nature of the illness that afflicted Henry immediately after Scrope’s execution. The rumor referred to the king’s illness as leprosy, believing it to be a punishment for shedding the blood of a servant of God. Finally, special attention is given to the cult of the executed Scrope, who was revered as saint and martyr in York. Despite royal prohibitions and even attempts to block access to Scrope’s tomb in York Cathedral, the flow of pilgrims to his burial site continued unabated. The veneration of Richard Scrope was unexpectedly supported by the crown during the reign of the York kings, who saw the executed archbishop as an opponent of the House of Lancaster.

The Library of the University of Liege (Université de Liège. Bibliothèque, Ms. 2613) and the Victoria and Albert Museum in London (Victoria and Albert Museum, Ms. 413) have two leaves created c. 1150–1170 and produced in the Meuse region. Although the question of the purpose of the leaves is under discussion, these two oeuvres of Romanesque book illumination have not yet received special scholarly attention. The leaves have a similar layout: each side contains two compositions based on stories from the Book of Genesis, and there are no inscriptions or biblical quotations. The Old Testament episodes included in the pictorial program of the leaves do not form a consistent narrative cycle. Thus, the scenes of the sacrifice by Cain and Abel and the murder of Abel by Cain in the leaf from the Victoria and Albert Museum are followed by an episode of the meeting of Abraham and Melchizedek. The leaf from Liège begins with the scene of the sacrifice of Isaac. The cycle does not contain a number of scenes with a fairly consistent iconographic tradition (for example, the story of Noah). Such narrative heterogeneity can be interpreted through the prism of the purpose of the pictorial series. The Sacrifice of Abel, the Gifts of Melchizedek and the Sacrifice of Isaac by Abraham are mentioned in the Eucharistic Canon of the Sacramentary of Pope Gelasius I and have been used in iconographic programs since the era of early Christianity as the main liturgical prototypes. The back of the leaf from the Library of the University of Liege contains another subject which alludes to the typological parallelism of the Testaments – the Blessing of Ephraim and Manasseh by Jacob. The designated subjects can be found in a number of contemporaneous works of decorative and applied arts and book miniatures of the Rhine-Meuse region, which are compiled on the basis of typological logic in the arrangement of stories. The selection of stories, as well as the stylistic and iconographic analysis of the range of oeuvres with typological iconography, suggests that the leaves could have been fragments of a model book and probably served as models in the process of the spreading of the compositional and iconographic techniques which were characteristic of the Rhine-Meuse region

The use of information resources is a promising area of activity of state control and accounting bodies. Nowadays an effective budget control and analysis of socio-economic development of the region are impossible without special tools to reduce the time spent on data processing. The article deals with historical aspects of informatization of the Control and Accounting Chamber of Moscow and examines the formation of its information and analytical system as an example of automation of the activity of the external fi nancial control institution. The author analyzes the Chamber’s annual reports in 1997–2014. He employs its local acts and other documents refl ecting the process of automation of control practice. The study of these documents, as well as federal and Moscow legislation, normative legal acts of the Government and mayor of Moscow, and the Moscow City Duma made it possible to identify the features of the Chamber’s informatization processes from 1994 to 2014, including the main stages in the creation of the Chamber’s information and communication technology infrastructure, composition and main functions of the Chamber’s information and analytical system as a model for interaction with Moscow public authorities and governmental agencies. Previously the issues of the history of the Chamber’s informatization had not been specifi cally examined, while a comprehensive picture of the development of new management technologies, which have been introduced in the practice of the executive and legislative authorities of Moscow since the end of the twentieth century, cannot be provided without a special focus on these topics. Consideration of this aspect of development of control and counting functions in the capital of Russia in the post-Soviet period will supplement the currently available knowledge about the history of such activity in the past and also will help to identify traditions and innovations in the domestic management practices and thus trace techniques, which are reintroduced in an optimized form at each new stage of development of country and society

This article is based on materials collected by the author over many years in 28 cities and towns in 14 U.S. states and the District of Columbia. He aims to show how the historical (aka cultural or social) memory of the Civil War (War of the North and the South) from 1861 through 1865, and the corresponding abolition of slavery become a factor in the anti-racist movement that has swept the country again in recent years. Attention is drawn to transformations in the Civil War memory associated with changing perceptions of the history, essence, and sociocultural boundaries of the American nation. The essence of these changes is the affirmation of a view of the U.S. nation as the entity that includes both whites and blacks on an equal footing. It has also changed the perception of the Civil War as a key moment in the formation of the American nation: whereas previously the War of the North and the South was seen as a war between Northern whites and Southern whites, it has increasingly emphasized the active role of black Americans. At the same time, the differences in the historical memory of the Civil War and the abolition of slavery that persist in the North and the South allow the author to argue that the sociocultural division of U.S. society into Northerners and Southerners has not disappeared to this day. The article also highlights that not just racial dichotomies, but racial inequalities were embedded in the very foundation of the American nation at the time of its formation. This fact raises the question of whether so-called systemic (otherwise structural, institutional, or social) racism is in principle eradicable in the United States, despite the obvious change for the better in the black community since the victory of the black civil rights movement of 1954–1968.

The crisis in relations with Czechoslovakia, arose in 1968, was one of the most acute foreign policy problems for the Soviet Union and its Warsaw Pact allies. The author of the article, which is based on declassified documents, including the ones of the Politburo of the CPSU Central Committee, showed that the USSR authorities and their East European allies were seriously afraid that the reforms launched in Czechoslovakia would open the prospect of the departure from socialism and the subsequent withdrawal of the country from the Warsaw Pact. The anti-socialist and anti-Soviet forces that were openly operating there were of particular concern. The leaders of the USSR, especially L.I. Brezhnev, sought to resolve this acute situation through political compromises with Czechoslovak side and its fulfi llment of the commitments made during the multilateral meetings. Initially they avoided a military intervention in Czechoslovakia, which was insisted upon by the allies of the Soviet Union, the members of the ATS, i.e., Poland, GDR, Bulgaria, and Hungary. However, the Czechoslovak leaders, A. Dubček in the first place, did not comply with the reached agreements (in particular, stoppping the anti-Soviet media campaign and personnel changes), although this could have prevented the entry of troops. By August 1968, the possibilities of getting out of the situation by political means had been exhausted. Not only the five Warsaw Pact countries were responsible for the invasion, but also the leaders of Czechoslovakia. The USSR and the other ATS countries were guided by the motive of saving socialism in Czechoslovakia and its preservation as part of the Warsaw Pact when making the decision to send in troops. The ATS unity during the Cold War made it possible to ensure the balance of power with the NATO on the European continent. The theoretical justifi cation of the right to interfere in the aff airs of one or another country of the socialist commonwealth by other socialist countries to save socialism was given aft er the entry of troops. In the West, this policy will become known as the “Brezhnev Doctrine”.

The subject of the study is the image of the West as an ally as it was shaped by the Soviet media during the Great Patriotic War. For Soviet propaganda, the periodical press was very important because it contributed to the formation of public perceptions of both the outside world and the situation in the country. During the war, the main goal of newspapers was to mobilize the masses. Scientifi c works on similar problems were, as a rule, of an overview character which did not consider the dynamics and numerous nuances in relations with the allies throughout the entire period of the Great Patriotic War, as well as the mechanisms of Soviet propaganda in the coverage of the foreign policy. An analysis of an extensive set of sources, including publications of the central periodical press (Pravda, Izvestiya, Krasnaya zvezda), allows a comprehensive study of the formation and evolution of the image of the West as an ally of the anti-Hitler coalition in the Soviet press in 1941–1945. All the activities of the media were under the control of the Directorate of Propaganda and Agitation of the Communist Party’s Central Committee, and the responsibility for it was vested in the Press Department. As a result, the information conveyed to the Soviet population was selected and ideologically verifi ed. This certainly applied to material about the United States and Great Britain. Information about the activities and assistance of the allies was primarily intended to convince the Soviet reader that the country had not been left alone with the enemy. At the same time, the Soviet press avoided an overly enthusiastic tone toward yesterday’s ideological adversaries. The evolution of the image of the allies within the anti-Hitler coalition in the central periodical press of the Soviet Union during the Great Patriotic war went through several stages and depended largely on the situation on the Soviet-German front.

The author focuses on a one-of-a-kind debate “On Socialism”, which took place in the House of Lords of the British Parliament in the spring of 1935. For a long time, the upper chamber served as a barrier to the implementation of bold social and political legislation. Until the beginning of the 20th century socialists had never been represented in the Parliament. As the Labor Party came into political spotlight and gradually strengthened its positions in the 1920s– 1930s, the House of Lords was forced to adapt its composition to changing realities. In 1924, the Labor faction was formed here for the first time. A decade later, the Lords were prepared to seriously discuss the merits and demerits of the socialist system. The article analyzes both the main arguments of the Laborites, who promoted transition to a new social system, and the theses put forward by Conservatives and Liberals, supporters of the capitalist system. Particular emphasis is placed on the coverage and feedback which the discussion held in Westminster received on the pages of the British press of various political stances. The author comes to the conclusion that the arguments put forward by both supporters and opponents of socialism were in many respects similar to the theses that appeared in the course of the discussion in the Lower house of the UK Parliament in 1923. Th is discussion had a similar nature and was the first of this kind in the British history. At the same time, the analyzed debate which took place in the House of Lords more than a decade later, bore an unmistakable imprint of a new era. The “Great Depression” of 1929–1933 had an important impact on the worldview of the generation, as it strengthened the conviction of left -wing politicians that capitalism was not the subject to improvement. Opponents of socialism, on the contrary, argued that a socialist future for Britain was not only economically untenable, but also dangerous, and incompatible with the unique English national character, based on individualism.

The emergence of seminars at the Faculty of History and Philology at Moscow University was a response to discussions of higher education reform in the era of the Great Reforms, when the education of students at universities was found too passive. At this time, ideologues of higher education reform demanded that monologue lectures be supplemented with written students’ papers, which should develop their research skills and serve as a basis for communication with their professors. After 1862, when over a hundred young scholars were sent abroad for several years under the program of Minister of Public Instruction A.V. Golovnin, a new generation of researchers and teachers was introduced to practical studies at German universities. Those who had been abroad started to actively use the term seminar to refer to a new kind of practical training. By the mid-1860s, seminars appeared at Moscow University as teaching units for philologists to train grammar school teachers of classical languages, and as a type of practical classes for historians, the purpose of which was to write research papers. Philologist P.M. Leontiev was one of the originators of philological seminars at Moscow University. He developed such forms of classes at the faculty as were practiced by S.P. Shevyrev in the 1850s, while V.I. Guerrier established the seminar as a new form of research activity for historians. It was important for him that students who chose to major in history should write papers on this discipline. While students received scholarships for their work in the philological seminars, participation in historical seminars was their personal initiative. Further development of the new form of classes was associated with attempts to divide the Faculty of History and Philology into two specializations. Officially, historians’ seminars became part of the faculty’s curriculum only after implementation of the charter of 1884.

The emergence of seminars at the Faculty of History and Philology at Moscow University was a response to discussions of higher education reform in the era of the Great Reforms, when the education of students at universities was found too passive. At this time, ideologues of higher education reform demanded that monologue lectures be supplemented with written students’ papers, which should develop their research skills and serve as a basis for communication with their professors. After 1862, when over a hundred young scholars were sent abroad for several years under the program of Minister of Public Instruction A.V. Golovnin, a new generation of researchers and teachers was introduced to practical studies at German universities. Those who had been abroad started to actively use the term seminar to refer to a new kind of practical training. By the mid-1860s, seminars appeared at Moscow University as teaching units for philologists to train grammar school teachers of classical languages, and as a type of practical classes for historians, the purpose of which was to write research papers. Philologist P.M. Leontiev was one of the originators of philological seminars at Moscow University. He developed such forms of classes at the faculty as were practiced by S.P. Shevyrev in the 1850s, while V.I. Guerrier established the seminar as a new form of research activity for historians. It was important for him that students who chose to major in history should write papers on this discipline. While students received scholarships for their work in the philological seminars, participation in historical seminars was their personal initiative. Further development of the new form of classes was associated with attempts to divide the Faculty of History and Philology into two specializations. Officially, historians’ seminars became part of the faculty’s curriculum only after implementation of the charter of 1884.

It is a commonplace statement of modern historiography that aft er the transfer of the Don Cossack Host from the jurisdiction of the Ambassadorial Prikaz to the Military Collegium in 1721 it completely lost its autonomy. In recent years, however, such an assessment of the infl uence of the Emperor’s Edict of 3 March 1721 on the position of the Don Cossacks is reconsidered. Their status in the post-Petrine period can be clarifi ed through the study of personal letters of the Russian autocrats to the Don. The research aims to show Empress Anna Ioannovna’s attitude to the Don Cossacks on the basis of the letters she sent during the Russian-Turkish war (1735–1739). The letters as a form of correspondence between the supreme power and the Don Cossacks’ community are examined in the context of the historical-typological approach to the study of historical sources, which involves the formulaic analysis. The article deals with the following topics: the place of letters in the system of legislative and clerical materials of the Russian state and the Russian Empire, the requirements to the letters, established by Peter I in the course of his reforms of state administration, the procedure of creation of letters in the personal offi ce of the Empress (Cabinet of Ministers) and the Senate, and peculiarities of letters, sent to the Don. Th e research of the imperial letters of 1735–1739 leads to the conclusion that during this period the Don Cossack Host was in a state of “special subjection”: on the one hand, like during the rule of Peter the Great, it was directly subordinated to the autocrat, while enjoying at the same time a certain degree of independence, on the other hand, it received letters of diplomatic character from Anna Ioannovna. The letters of 1735–1739 reveal the principle of mutual benefi t as the basis of relations between the Russian supreme power and the Don Cossack Host. This principle was declared inviolable not only in Anna Ioannovna’s correspondence, but also earlier, in the Tsar’s letters in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. Radical changes in relations between Russian authorities and the Don Cossack Host started in the 1770s.

The article examines the actions of grand prince Yuri Vsevolodovich of Vladimir on the river Sit’ and their descriptions in the early narrative of the chronicles about the invasion of Batu Khan. The aim of the study is to reconstruct the historical context in which prince Yuri and other rulers of Russian lands acted during the events of 1237–1241, and to reveal the attitude of the authors of chronicles and hagiographic works of the late 13th and early 14th centuries to the princes’ flight from the Tartars. The scholarly novelty of the research consists in the complex use of statistical and axiological methods. The author concludes that almost half of total number of Russian princes (18 out of 37) mentioned in the early narrative of the chronicles about the invasion either defi nitely escaped from the Tatars, or did so with a high probability. This allows us to believe the interpretation in the older version of the Novgorod First Chronicle, according to which Yuri Vsevolodovich also escaped from the Tatars and thus ended up on the River Sit’, where he was killed. Most likely, the princes’ flight itself was not a compromising circumstance in the eyes of their nearest descendants. Quite the contrary, the successful escape was perceived as God’s intercession and was extolled in every possible way. However, Yuri’s case was special: unlike the overwhelming majority of princes who fled, he perished. As a result, the author of the Laurentian Chronicle, who set out to write a eulogy to the grand prince, had to create a rather contradictory picture of events, according to which Yuri Vsevolodovich allegedly was not going to escape, but, on the contrary, he was preparing to withstand the enemy on the river Sit’. And he revealed himself not as an experienced and courageous warrior, but as a martyr who, like saints Boris and Gleb, was ready for sacrifi cial slaughter and, like “new Job”, to meekly face the trials that came upon him.

The study of the nature of Russian painting in the second half of the 19th century has long artifi cially detached it from its Orthodox Christian foundation, and religiosity has been presented as a kind of negative metaphor rather than as a scientifi c problem requiring careful analysis. Despite increasing secularization, in the age of skepticism, Darwinism, and positivism the Christian worldview was not forced out of human consciousness in the second half of the 19th century, but was elevated to a new qualitative level. This is evidenced not only by many Russian writers, but also by such painters as Perov, Ge, Kramskoi, Repin, Surikov, Yaroshenko, and other masters, who were fascinated by the development of new ideas and new forms of expression. Today it is clear that in a number of paintings of that time Christianity serves as the cementing foundation, or the basis of life order. Christ appears as a real, historical fi gure who gave the organization of spiritual life on Earth. These issues arise in the works of outstanding masters of this time, correspondence and reviews. They are of paramount importance to the artistic culture of the second half of the nineteenth century. The deeply ambiguous nature of Kramskoi’s “Christ in the Desert” (1872) allows for a highly controversial interpretation, which can be very schematically expressed as from Christ or to Christ. The painter’s own interpretation has attracted art critics for decades. His thoughts on Christianity and attempts to reconsider traditional approaches, the birth of a new view, hesitation and doubt, alternation of the historical and religious-mystical are contained in his vast correspondence. The opinions of writers, artists, collectors and critics testify to important spiritual processes that were taking place in the minds and hearts of Kramskoi’s contemporaries. Studies by art historians help to penetrate deeper into the development of the artistic consciousness of the era.

During the 1990s, historians began to show an increasing interest in the study of the Third International, and, in addition to the dominant traditionalist approach to the subject, the revisionist approach which had been developed in the previous decades finally gained a foothold in Western historiography. A significant number of studies on the Comintern were published during this period by British scholars, who were lived not only in the UK, and these publications widened the scope of the issues under study. Monographs and articles appeared on the Comintern and its foreign sections, as well as on related issues of the history of Communism and various left-wing forces, international relations of Soviet Russia, the Communist movement in individual countries. Interest in the topic of the Comintern in foreign historical scholarship was due to the need to resolve a number of controversial questions, little-studied or requiring reconsideration, mainly concerning the activities of foreign sections: the infl uence of the Comintern’s policy on the tactical line of the Communist parties in different countries, their ability/inability to pursue an independent policy, “Stalinization” of the Comintern, its chronological framework. Most of the 1990s’ studies, whose authors employed the traditionalist approach, are based on much earlier works, but thanks to the opening of some Russian archives and involvement of a signifi - cant number of archival materials, objectivity increased, even if the studies were conducted using opposing concepts. The historiographic tradition of the research on the Comintern, which existed until the early 1990s, underwent changes: the increase in the number of representatives of the revisionist approach entailed a change of emphasis and a revision of some established points of view. The authors who adhered to this concept began to rely on more recent literature (including Russian literature) and a broader source base, represented by documents from both foreign archives and the Russian State Archive of Social and Political History. According to the logic of the article, the opinions of “traditionalists” for each of the issues under consideration are presented first, and then the views of “revisionists”

The article examines the university years (1939–1948) of the outstanding scholar Yu.V. Knorozov (1922–1999), especially his specialization in the Department of Ethnography of the Faculty of History (1943–1948). In the introduction, the authors summarizes his contribution to the study of scripts of Maya and Easter Islanders and Proto-Indian script, the origin of America’s peoples, paleoethnography of Beringia, ethnography of the Ainu, ethnosemiotics. According to the material from the Moscow State University Archive they reconstructed a list of disciplines that Yu.V. Knorozov attended as a student at Kharkov State University and the Department of Ethnography at Moscow State University. The article characterizes his teachers N.N. Bromley (English), V.I. Avdiev (Ancient World), I.S. Katznelson (Ancient Egyptian), G.B. Erenburg (Modern History of the East), N.N. Cheboksarov (Anthropology), V.I. Chicherov (Folklore), and a number of others. It quotes Knorozov’s recommendation for postgraduate study in the Faculty of History at Lomonosov Moscow State University and provides information about his scientifi c director during his studies at the department, the prominent archaeologist, ethnographer and orientalist S.P. Tolstoy. The authors write about Knorozov’s classmates in the Department of Ethnography, living conditions in the dormitory on Stromynka Street and peculiarities of the educational process at Moscow University in the mid-1940th. All these facts contribute to the understanding of the conditions in which Knorozov made himself a scholar. The article provides a brief outline of the study of Maya history in the Faculty of History of Lomonosov Moscow State University at the turn of the 20th century and the prospects of research in this area. The authors conclude that interdisciplinarity, which is involved in the educational process in the Faculty of History of Moscow University in general and in the Department of Ethnography in particular, was very important for the formation of Knorozov’s personality and his innovative approaches to the study of the cultures of ancient and modern peoples.

The article examines the strategy of formation of the US foreign policy towards Israel when H. Truman’s administration was succeeded by D. Eisenhower’s one. During his presidency the US foreign policy strategy towards Israel and the Middle East acquired the features that were clearly manifested later. The basis for a further transformation of the US Middle East policy was laid during the transitional phase in 1952 and 1953. In addition to traditional sources, the author involves sources, new to Russian historiography, from the Archive of Israel. They provide additional data for analysis of the processes outlined above. The US President Eisenhower inherited not only the “special relationship” with Israel from Truman’s administration, but also the lack of a specifi c policy towards the Middle East. This was due to changing trends in the policies of countries in the region, Israel’s difficult economic and political situation, and its reluctance to make concessions regarding key issues of Arab-Israeli relations. Tense situation in the region required Eisenhower’s administration to adopt a foreign policy strategy toward the Middle Eastern states. The Secretary of State J. Dulles’ trip to the Middle East in May 1953, the US Assistant Secretary of State for Near Eastern Aff airs H. Byroade’s position, the increase of negative Arab attitude towards the US due to the American aid to Israel led the US administration to choose the policy of neutrality. The US adoption of a more balanced strategy in the region does not support the claim that the American administration chose Arab countries as its main partners in the Middle East. The US foreign policy strategy toward Israel was still in its first stage, but the basic principle remained the same, which was to continue the long-term partnership with Israel, only in a more moderate mode.

The process of the creation of the Fundamental Laws of 23 April 1906 from October 1905 through April 1906 has not been specifi cally studied, despite the fact that it was a development of the first effective constitution in Russian history, which subsequently infl uenced the history of the “Duma monarchy”. There are also some minor gaps in historiography: there is no adequate study of the role of Ivan Ivanovich Tkhorzhevsky, who served in the Office of the Committee of Ministers since 1901, in the creation of the Fundamental Laws of 1906. His bureaucratic career was typical in the sense that it was determined not by family ties, but by friendship ties that were forged in the Law School of Saint Petersburg University (with Baron B.E. Nolde) and the Chancellery of the Committee of Ministers (with M.I. Goremykin). In February and March 1906, Tkhorzhevsky prepared comments on the draft of the new Fundamental Laws on behalf of the Chairman of the Committee and Council of Ministers, Count S.Yu. Witte. This draft was made by the Deputy Secretary of State P.A. Kharitonov at the behest of Nicholas II in November and December 1905, and in January–February 1906 it was revised by senior officials of the State Chancellery under the guidance of the Chairman of the State Council, Count D.M. Solsky, and the Secretary of State, Baron Ju.A. von Uexküll- Güldenband. Tkhorzhevsky’s comments formed the basis of Witte’s remarks on the draft of the State Chancellery, which was prepared by the head of the Office of the Committee of Ministers, Baron E.Yu. Nolde. Thus Tkhorzhevsky substantially influenced the version of the Fundamental Laws, which was discussed at the sessions of the Council of Ministers in March 1906, and their final redaction, which was discussed at the Special Council chaired by Nicholas II in April 1906. It can be argued that Thorzhevsky’s participation in the making of the new Basic Laws was due to his personal talents and extremely successful bureaucratic career.

While organizing All-Russian Archaeological Congresses, Chairman of the Moscow Archaeological Society Count A.S. Uvarov entered into a complicated bureaucratic relationship with the Ministry of Public Instruction, which was reflected in the business correspondence between him and officials. Textual analysis of Uvarov’s letters to D.A. Tolstoy and B.A. Perovsky allows us to reconstruct his dialogue with the authorities and to consider some aspects of the history of organization of a new form of scientific cooperation, Archaeological Congresses, which subsequently became a permanent institution that united Russian scholars in the study of monuments of the past. The Congresses held between 1869 and 1914 were the institution that introduced the initial forms of organization of the scientific and historical community and gave an impetus to the development and differentiation of historical science. The process of the organization of the Archaeological Congresses was complicated and rather long. It took about five years from taking the decision to convene a Congress of Russian archaeologists to the grand opening of the first forum. The research on archival documents allows us not only to introduce new sources and to complement the history of the Moscow Archaeological Society, but also to explain why such a long period of preparation of the first Congress was needed. Thanks to the use of a communicative approach to A.S. Uvarov’s correspondence with government representatives, the focus of studies of the history of scientific communities is shifted to consideration and analysis of the nature of contacts and interaction between people who represented these communities. The main aim of the article is to reveal the role of the leading personality in the process of formation of professional identity and institutional structure of scientific communities at different levels, as well as to evaluate the cognitive possibilities of the communicative approach to the study of scientific communities in post-reform Russia. Communicative approach, aimed at comprehension of forms, content and development of public communication, contributed to the study of a man of science, his everyday world, private forms of communication, emerging intellectual networks and ties between scholars.

The article is timed to the three anniversaries of the prominent statesmen of the Imperial Russia, Peter the Great (the 350th anniversary of his birth), P.A. Stolypin (the 160th anniversary of his birth) and M.M. Speransky (the 250th anniversary of his birth) in 2022. The author highlights general and special features in their activities and the context of their reforms. Common features include the undoubtedly modernizing nature of the initiatives of all three reformers, as well as the lack or obvious inadequacy of the social environment, which could support the reforms being implemented or planned. Peter the Great overcame this obstacle, firstly, with the help of his power resources, and secondly, by the radicalism of changes. In many respects this is the source of the ambivalence of his reforms. On the one hand, modernization of Russia was in line with what was happening at the same time in other European countries. On the other hand, Peter’s modernization led to strengthening of the archaic features of the autocracy. However, for Peter, the lack of social support was not a fatal insurmountable circumstance. Moreover, such a support was eventually formed as a result of his reforms. An altogether different fate was in store for the initiatives of Stolypin and Speransky. Support from the supreme power for both was inconsistent, and the political subjectivity of the potential recipient of the reforms was clearly insufficient or non-existent, which prevented them from implementing their plans. What was special about the changes carried out or at least simply conceived by Peter, Stolypin, and Speransky was the very context of these persons’ eras and thus the degree of maturity of both the social base of reforms and society as a whole for modernizing transformations. Special attention in the article is paid to Speransky’s projects. It examines their content and personality of the reformer. The author argues that reforms in Russia were often conditioned not by the level of socio-economic development but by political considerations.

The article reconstructs the biography of Gustavus Adolphus Bergudd (1771/1772–1806), a Swedish-born native of Gdansk, who lived a short but eventful life. He fought in the insurgent cavalry regiment under command of Tadeusz Kościuszko in 1794, left for America after the defeat of the uprising, met Kościuszko in Philadelphia in 1797, received US citizenship in 1804, tried to earn his living as a worker in Western Pennsylvania. However, his restless nature led him to join the volunteer detachment of the Venezuelan revolutionary Francisco de Miranda as early as in 1806: as “captain of the dragoons”, he participated in the first attempt to overthrow Spanish domination of the New World, but was captured and soon executed with nine other officers from Miranda’s detachment in the Venezuelan fortress of San Felipe near the city of Puerto Cabello. He was only one of those executed whose memory was honoured with a monument erected there in 2006. Reconstructing the milestones of Bergudd’s life corrects the generally accepted view of Polish participation in the wars of Spanish American independence, which goes back to the work of the prominent publicist and activist of a united Europe, Józef Retinger (1888–1960). The study of Bergudd’s fate faces an important methodological problem: no sources directly deriving from him have survived (even the interrogation record is a text created not by the interrogee, but by the interrogator), so his words have reached us in one way or another distorted. The author concludes that the image of Bergudd, which was created in the second half of the 20th and early 21st centuries mainly in Polish popular literature and crowned with his monument, was little related to the real person almost unknown previously. This image embodied an “ideal type” of the Polish fighter for the freedom of Venezuela.

The article examines the prospects and advantages of different organizational forms of trade between Russia and China in the first third of the 18th century on the basis of legislative acts, notes and proposals of Russian merchants, officials and foreign diplomats, documents of commercial establishments. Regular trade between Russia and China was legally sanctioned by the Treaty of Nerchinsk in 1689. Huge distances and difficulties of the route, the length and danger of the journey, the direct interest of the government in the sale of furs, which came in the form of tribute from the pagan peoples of Siberia, made the state caravan trade the main form of trade between Russia and China. The caravan could also include inhabitants of different cities, who were going to China for their own trade. In 1706, the fur trade was declared a monopoly of the treasury, and merchants and service class were forbidden to trade “soft stuff ” in Siberia and to travel with goods to China. By concentrating the most profitable areas and types of trade in the hands of the treasury, the government sought to increase the flow of funds needed for the Northern War. In 1711, the newly established Senate suggested that Moscow rich merchants should buy off the trade with China by organizing a company for this purpose. This system guaranteed a fixed amount of income for the treasury. However, the largest representatives of the merchant circles of Moscow declined this suggestion, citing insufficient funds and arguing the advantages of free trade with China. In the 1720s merchants again raised the question of free Chinese trade. The Commission on Commerce in 1727 also acknowledged that “no great profit is seen” from the state caravans. Nevertheless, even later (in 1731 and 1734) the government forbade Russian subjects to trade “soft stuff ” in Beijing and in territories subject to China. It was only in 1762 that the state monopoly on trade with China was abolished.

Abstract. The article explores the category of milostnik (beneficiary). This issue has been repeatedly raised in the national historical writing. Back in the 19th century historians noticed that the ancient Russian chronicles mentioned prince’s milostniks, and put forward assumptions about their social status and connection with the ruler (prince). However, it was only in the 20th century when special scholarly studies on the ancient Russian prince’s milostniks appeared. These studies were based on Marxist methodology, which gave priority to socio-economic and class relations, without paying sufficient attention to relations specific to ancient and medieval societies, such as ties of patronage, affinity, kinship, personal service, etc. The prince’s milostniks were considered in Soviet historical science as the predecessors of later nobles, junior servants of the prince, ministerials. The present study integrates the accomplishments of national historians (pre-revolutionary, Soviet, modern), as well as foreign ethnologists and anthropologists. Drawing on a number of historical sources, Russian and Lithuanian chronicles, the author analyzes all the available chronicle reports about the milostniks and comes to conclusions that allow us to significantly revise the previously established concepts. According to the author of the article, milostniks are a dependent category of the people of Ancient Rus’, who were cut off from their kin due to various life circumstances, and therefore found themselves in need of protection and patronage of the ruler, the prince. The milostniks could be connected with the prince by bonds of affinity. This did not change their dependent position, but only obliged the prince to take them under his protection. The relationship between the prince and the milostniks can be described as that of a patron and clients. Those were relations of personal service, different from those that were established later, in the 12th century, between the prince and the nobles, i.e. service based on the land tenure. Thus, the research which has been conducted in this paper allows us to conclude that the milostniks were not the predecessors of the nobles, but a social category of their time, rooted in the ancient tribal structure of society.

The article examines the mutual relations of zemstvo, local administration and government in the context of the decision of the food problem by Smolensk zemstvo during a crop failure in the late 1860s and early 1870s. The author analyzes a complex and resource-intensive food problem in the period of crop failure and famine in one of the non-chernozem provinces of Russia in the initial period of the zemstvo history, when the zemstvo reform of 1864 was not yet completed. She examines the general model of relations between the government and the zemstvo in overcoming famine, the state of food capital, specific zemstvo practices, the importance of large-scale public works, actions of local administrations, etc. The author concludes that historiographical idea about the oppression of zemstvo by the government immediately after its creation is not quite correct. Thus, in the fight against the famine of 1867–1872 in Smolensk province the government relied on the zemstvo, rather than on the administration, and protected zemstvo from the claims of local administrators. It is possible to speak about the trust on the part of the government in zemstvo bodies and their joint efforts to provide the population with food in the crisis conditions of the post-reform modernization of agriculture. Depending on objective factors, local zemstvo and government used food and cash loans and public works as basic practices to combat famine. The need to repay the state food capital received by peasants was a heavy burden for them. The lessons learned from the Smolensk famine were the impetus for consideration of the problem of money shortage in the agricultural sector. The misfortune of peasantry in some provinces of Russia 1867–1872 which was in the focus of attention of government stimulated the study and discussion of general situation in agriculture and influenced the attitude of central and local authorities to the zemstvo, food and taxation issues

Jewish immigrants, who began to move into the New England colonies in the eighteenth century, attracted considerable interest from the Puritan population, the descendants of the founders of the colonies. They identified themselves with the ancient Jews and saw themselves as a new God chosen people who came to America with a special mission. The messianic spirit of the early settlers was accompanied by extreme intolerance towards those who did not share the Puritan doctrine, including the Jews. With the sweeping changes in British American colonial administrative system at the turn of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries and consequent changes in the spiritual and intellectual climate of the New England colonies, there was a significant transformation in the worldview of the New England Puritans, particularly in questions of religious tolerance, interaction with other Protestant denominations, forms and methods of “conversion to the true faith”. It led leading Puritan clergymen to search for a way to restore their parishioners’ interest in religion. Millenarianism, the belief in the imminent advent of the millennial kingdom, was chosen for this purpose. One of the main Puritan theologians of his time, Cotton Mather, tried to put the ideas of Millenarianism into practice. He presented Millenarianism as an ecumenical project capable of uniting representatives of different denominations. The vision of the Puritan colonists as God’s chosen people shaped the special attitude towards the Jews. The article pays special attention to the theological works by Cotton Mather on the Jews of New England, in which his Millenarian views are vividly presented. Although his works, as well as his missionary activity among the Jews, did not bring the expected results, they enabled contacts between the Protestant clergy of America, Great Britain and continental Europe. The Puritan clergy in New England needed other ways to push for religious renewal and conversion, which would soon be actively pursued during the First “Great Awakening” of the second third of the eighteenth century.

The article examines the origin of non-trivial images of the Evangelists’ symbols in the form of half-figures of anthropomorphic three-faced cherubim, which are known in Russian illuminated Gospels from 1560s through 1590s, on the silver covers of a small group of the early seventeenth-century Holy Table Gospels and in some iconographic works. The author finds the source of these images in a Slavonic translation of Anastasius of Sinai’s Against the Arian, which is included in the Izbornik of Svyatoslav, dated to 1073, the second-oldest surviving old Russian manuscript. In this work, Anastasius of Sinai echoes the opinion of Irenaeus of Lyon, who explained the fourfold number of the Gospels by linking it to the four faces of the cherubim, i.e., the faces of the four animals described in the Book of Ezekiel. These animals came to be perceived later as symbols of the Gospels and the Evangelists. In the old Slavonic translation, the cherub was called three-faced instead of four-faced due to an erroneous confusion of numerical values of the Glagolitic letters in the original of the Izbornik and Cyrillic characters in the 1073 manuscript. In Glagolitic the letter “Glagol” has the numerical value “four”, while in Cyrillic it is “three”. This error was not always corrected in the manuscript copies up to the 18th century, and it generated a limited iconographic tradition in Vologda and other regions of the Russian North as far as one can judge from the surviving works. This article deals with the full-page miniatures of three Russian Tetragospels from the State Historical Museum and the Russian National Library, three silver emblazoned Gospels from the Moscow Kremlin Museums, the Perm State Art Gallery and the Arkhangelsk Regional Museum. The text of Anastasius of Sinai’s Against the Arians is examined in fifteen copies from the 11th through the 18th century

The article examines the sources, religious context and artistic features of the iconography of the “Welcoming Descent of Buddha Amida” in Japanese sculpture from the Heian (794–1185) and early Kamakura (1185–1333) periods. An attempt is made to understand from which elements of textual and visual cultures the iconography of the “Welcoming Descent of Buddha Amida” is formed in sculpture. This question has not been specifically studied. The formation of the iconography in both painting and sculpture was influenced by the doctrinal texts of the sutras not per se, but rather in the interpretation of Chinese and Japanese teachers, especially Genshin. Apart from the textual sources, the visual experience was also important. The expressiveness of the cloud on which Buddha and bodhisattvas fly in painting seems to have led sculptors to try to embody it in wood as well. Apparently, the authority of the pre-existing iconography of Buddha Amida of the Tendai school somewhat inhibited changes in the main figure. Perhaps the need to attach a rope to the hands or arms of the statue contributed to the appearance of a specific welcoming gesture (the index finger and thumb are linked “in a ring”). Both in painting and sculpture bodhisattvas next to Buddha Amida acquired expressive poses and attributes, that invite a viewer to experience the miraculous appearance of higher powers. The next (after Genshin) most important preacher of the belief in Buddha Amida, Honen, emphasized that Buddha should be depicted standing, which signifies his readiness to help. It was the most widespread type in the 13th century. The significant role was played by sculptor Kaikei, whose first Amida triad was based on Chinese scroll. Later he created a number of free-standing figures of Amida and triads that became classic and were reproduced for many generations.

The article examines Kazakhstan’s active participation in the Chinese Belt and Road Initiative in the context of geopolitical and geoeconomic objectives and prospects of this project. It analyzes advantages, challenges and future opportunities for the Republic of Kazakhstan as one of the most active Central Asian participants of the Chinese initiative. The author deals with opportunities, successes and challenges of linking Kazakhstan’s Nurly Zhol national economic development programme to it. Kazakhstan’s Nurly Zhol economic programme, also called the “Path to the Future”, or literally the “Bright Road”) was launched in 2014. It has much in common with the Belt and Road concept. This programme includes priority strategies and goals, such as improving transport and logistics infrastructure, the reconstruction of industrial infrastructure, strengthening communications, etc. All this undoubtedly reinforces the interest of Kazakhstan and China in mutual cooperation. The Belt and Road Initiative is regarded as an area of collective cooperation, which has an increasing impact not only on Kazakhstan’s economy, but also on the economic trends of all Central Asian countries. For Kazakhstan, there are several priority areas. The Chinese initiative contributes to the implementation of initiatives to strengthen and expand the transport and infrastructure potential of the country; Kazakhstan gets an opportunity to develop the most important East-West economic corridor through its own territory, which in the future will become an important source of investments, as well as a condition for the transfer of the latest technologies. The author concludes that the set of perspectives is related to the possibility for Kazakhstan to overcome its perception as a supplier of raw materials and a transit corridor. The tool to achieve this goal could be a technological strategy for Kazakhstan, allowing the involvement of investments from China, Russia, the United States, the EU, including the practice of creating joint research centres, high-tech clusters that will strengthen Kazakhstan’s position as an economic and technological leader in Central Asia

In recent years there has been a vigorous debate in American political and public life on issues related to education, primarily K-12 schools’ programs. The teaching of the Critical Race theory (CRT) in schools, which has caused a great deal of outrage among conservative Americans, has attracted particular attention and continues to do so to this day. In practice, the elements of educational programmes that have been most actively debated have little to do with the CRT per se, but in popular discourse the term has taken on a meaning that has little or nothing to do with the academic context. The result of this debate was a wave of bills proposed to the legislatures of virtually every state by conservative Republican politicians. Although not all of these bills were eventually passed, in many states the new “CTR bans” are already in place. Apart from the practical aspects of educational organization, it was the perception of history in the discussion of the CTR that became the key ideological watershed between supporters and opponents of the new legislation. The debate began in the context of a discussion of US history in general. the starting point was the reaction of President Trump’s administration to the New York Times’ publication of Project 1619, a collection of essays on the history of “black” America. From the point of view of Trump and his administration, it was an attempt of falsification of history and revisionism, and a number of measures were taken at the federal level against it. Although these measures were reversed aft er President Biden took office, the contradictions in the perception of history between conservative Republicans and Democrats have reappeared, this time at the state level in the form of attempts to legislate the prohibition of the CTR. This article examines the formation of these new laws, their common features, and the relationship of the fight against the CTR to the historical memory and memory politics in the US in general and, in particular, the development of “grassroots” conservative activism.

This article deals with the 75-year period of writing textbooks on the history of Southern and Western Slavs in the Department of History at Lomonosov Moscow State University. The first textbook was conceived in 1947 and published in 1957. It resulted from the fruitful researching and teaching of the members of the Department and the Institute of Slavonic Studies of the USSR Academy of Sciences. Theoretically, it testified to the victory of the Marxist-Leninist concept in the University Slavic Studies. The preparation of the second textbook took place against the backdrop of a heated debate on the replacement of the former discipline with the history of the countries building socialism. For the first time the article introduces the archival materials relating to the preparation, course and decisions of the interuniversity conference of historians in the area of Slavic Studies (February 1962). This allowed us to reveal the attitude of the entire Slavistic community of the USSR to the concept of the second edition. The completely new textbook came out in 1969. However, a signifi cant part of its print run was destroyed for purely political reasons. This fact is little known even to the scholarly community. Another textbook in the form of a course of lectures on the history of Southern and Western Slavs appeared only ten years later, in 1979. Its 13 000 copies were distributed by the Department to 58 universities of the USSR. 20 more years were necessary to prepare a new textbook. In 1998 it appeared in two volumes and was reprinted in 2001 and 2008. A current view of the Slavic history from antiquity to 2019 is presented in the just published standard textbook in three volumes (September 2022). The emergence of this particular version was predetermined by the very logic of the history of the Slavic peoples, as well as the necessity for application of its authors’ educational and methodological approaches and a fresh look at the discipline.

The article examines the period preceding the creation of the discipline of Russian studies on the basis of Slavic studies in the post-war USA. The transition from descriptive Slavic studies, which focused on philology, to rigorous scholarship of regional studies evolved in the difficult circumstances of the World War, the search for a new configuration of the world order, and the transition from the allied relationship between the Soviet Union and the United States to their acute confrontation. Against this background, the initial plans for cooperation with the USSR in the emerging discipline of Russian studies were revised, which, however, did not affect its content as much as might have been expected. This was facilitated by the fact that at the outbreak of the World War II Slavic studies were a very advanced academic discipline with clear principles, which included, alongside objectivity and impartiality, a love of the country under study and not involving politics. An important factor was the activity of Russian émigrés in the United States. The Russian Review, which they established in 1941, actively promoted mutual understanding and created a positive (“real”) image of Russia, while paying attention to an objective and scientific (as opposed to propagandistic) representation of its history. The analysis of publications on Russian history between 1941 and 1947 demonstrates that American discourse on Russia had a sufficient number of formulas and images aimed at bringing the two countries closer together. The Soviet Union also had some potential in this regard, but the transition to sharp confrontation with the West occurred very quickly in a context of increased internal repression. In the US, despite the Cold War, Russian studies steadily developed towards professionalization.

The scale and structure of the losses of the Red Army during the Great Patriotic War undoubtedly constitute a relevant academic problem. A separate aspect of this problem is the national structure of the losses of the Red Army. So far, in the works covering this issue, researchers have made attempts to establish the national structure of the irretrievable losses of the Red Army using calculation method, based on the erroneous assumption that losses were proportional to the representation of each Soviet ethnic group in the Red Army. This study is based on the albums of the payroll of the Red Army personnel. They were prepared by the General Staff twice a year (ahead of 1 January and 1 July) for the top leaders of the country and the armed forces, and were made even prior to the war. These unique statistical sources that have become available in recent years and are stored in the Central Archive of the Ministry of Defense of the Russian Federation make it possible to partly solve the problem in relation to the establishment of the national structure of the sanitary losses suffered by the Red Army in 1943–1945 (registration of irretrievable losses by nationality was not conducted). The statistical analysis of these sources has showed that the level and structure of sanitary losses among different ethnic groups varied in a fairly wide range and depended on a large number of factors, the major one being the percentage of the ethnic group in the rank and file of the infantry. Being a member of the rank and file almost always, for all nationalities, meant an increased risk of being killed or wounded. This risk, as the study showed, was also amplified if an ordinary soldier belonged to the rifle troops. Although the obtained data cannot be mechanically extrapolated to all the losses of the Red Army as a whole, they nevertheless give an idea of the patterns in the number of losses of different nationalities, at least in the second and third periods of the war (1943–1945), and open prospects for further scholarly debate.

The construction of the Trans-Siberian railway, the most largescale infrastructure project of the Russian Empire, was accompanied by the solution of a number of problems for the normal operation of this railway. One of them was to supply it with water, suitable for both industrial and domestic purposes. In conditions of time deficit, limited financing and taking into consideration natural and geographical peculiarities of the territory, it was necessary to look for ways of water supply organization which demanded new technical solutions. The various aspects of this problem have not received sufficient coverage in scientific publications, but they are certainly of interest to researchers. The construction of railway water mains was usually preceded by hydrological investigations to determine the most convenient water sources for each station, its properties, and the routes of communications. Additional difficulties often arose because no definitive conclusion about water availability and sources had yet been reached when locating the stations along the main line, and the surveying of the area was still ongoing. As a result, some of the stations were not well located for constant water supply, which required additional funding and engineering effort. Rivers were considered as priority sources of water to be supplied to Trans-Siberian stations and junctions, they were followed by streams, lakes, springs, groundwater and marshes, artesian wells. When selecting a source of water supply, the average daily volume of water consumption of a particular station was necessarily taken into account. At the same time, to ensure an uninterrupted water supply, the selected source had to have a minimum daily flow rate that was twice as high as the maximum daily consumption, which also made it difficult to solve the problems of the construction of railway water pipelines. Despite all the difficulties, the result of the large-scale works was the construction of new variants of water supply and purifying systems on the most part of the Trans-Siberian railway that functioned also in permafrost conditions.

The subject covered in the article is part of a broader issue, namely the dialogue of cultures that was a widespread and vibrant phenomenon in the 18th-century Europe. This is one of the aspects of intercultural communication — the interchange of artistic personnel between countries. The “itinerant” or “migratory” type of artist that emerged during this period played a pivotal role in this phenomenon. Since the turn of the century, the practice of inviting French masters, painters, sculptors and architects to European monarchs’ courts had been extensively cultivated. The French tradition begins to actively influence the formation of artistic policy in many European states. In order to understand the development of Russian art in the 18th century, it is important to identify and determine the reasons for the emergence of this phenomenon and for its existence in both the pan-European and Russian cultural space. The author focuses his attention mostly on the career of one of the representatives of the phenomenon in question — Jean-Louis Develly (1730–1804?), a French master who came to Russia about 1754. By studying creative biographies of migrant artists who influenced the general picture of Russian art in the second half of the century, we can gain a better understanding of this phenomenon. We can speak of the emergence of a particular “itinerant painter’s method”. This synthetic artistic method is a fusion of the heritage of the national school where the master grew up and the artistic traditions of the countries he visited. In this context, the figure of J.-L. Develly is very significant. Communicating with Russian clients, pupils and established artists, representatives of the national art school, the French master actively promoted intercultural contacts. The artist’s biography provides interesting material that allows us to trace the main ways of interaction between artistic traditions of Russia and France.

The article characterizes the main stages of the formation and development of the Russian first special department of source study, which was established at the Faculty of History of the Lomonosov Moscow State University in September 1952. It was a beginning of a new stage in the study and teaching of special (auxiliary) historical subjects, which are a prerequisite for the professional training of historians. The authors reveal the decisive contribution of the Academy members Mikhail Nikolayevich Tikhomirov and Ivan Dmitrievich Koval’chenko, the heads of the Department, to the determination of goals and direction of its work, to the creation and development of the ideas of the programs for students of source studies, historiography, historical research methods, to the formation of the teaching staff and researchers, and to achieving significant advances in teaching and research activities. The article examines the history of the Department of Source Studies as one of the leading scientific and methodological centers. The authors highlight its contribution to the development of historical research and overview the educational and research activities of the Department during seven decades of its existence. They examine the experience of solving historical problems while developing teaching courses, educational curriculum and programs, methodical and teaching aids for students of the Faculty of History in general, and particularly of its Departments of Source Studies. The main recent directions of the departmental staff ’s research and lecturing are listed. Particular attention is paid to scientific readings in honor of colleagues and teachers, prominent professors, who established the traditions, which are preserved, maintained and developed today at the Department of Source Studies

Chinese social networks provide vast information, which have not been enough studied. Chinese citizens can and do express themselves relatively freely in such networks and openly criticize the authorities. In this regard, the opinions of Chinese people in social media are quite representative and reflect a wide range of views on various issues. This article examines Chinese attitudes towards African migrants in Chinese social networks. This issue is covered in part in the foreign and national literature and requires a more thorough study. The author has carried out a considerable amount of work to find publications related to this topic. Keyword searches as well as external links were used as a methodological tool. The author concludes that the vast majority of Chinese posts and comments on African migrants are extremely negative, sometimes hostile toward them, and the few exceptions only confirm this rule. They are almost always blamed for uncivilized manners, lack of respect for Chinese traditions, mistreatment of women, increased propensity to commit crimes, and for the fact that the government spends unjustifiably large amounts of money on them. There are fears that China may lose its cultural and national identity because of migrants. The author, alien both to the racist thoughts of individual Chinese bloggers and indiscriminately accusing Chinese society as a whole of racism, avoids bias or prejudice. The article merely states the fact that the overwhelming majority of Chinese social media postings on African migrants are negative, although there are a steady number of examples of opposing views and assessments.

On 31 August 2016, the president of Brazil Dilma Rousseff , who took office in 2011 and again in 2014, was impeached. Given that between 2003 and 2010 Brazil was led by the representative of the left -wing Workers’ Party Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, who pursued social reforms, and the policies of Rousseff ’s successors, Michel Temer and Jair Bolsonaro, had a distinctly right-wing pro-American orientation, one can argue that the impeachment was not only a watershed moment in Brazilian domestic politics, but also marked a broader neoconservative trend of regional significance in the second half of the 2010s. This article examines what factors led to the early resignation of the president. The end of the “golden decade” between 2003 and 2012 with high commodity prices had a critical impact on Brazilian life. In this context, the author studies the reasons for the sharp deterioration of economic conditions and the exacerbation of social tensions in the country in 2013 and 2014 and attempts to determine what was the catalyst for mass protests in Brazil a few years before D. Rousseff ’s impeachment, and how the opposition strengthened during this period (the election campaign for D. Rousseff ’s second term was marked by fierce struggle). The article explains the reasons for budget deficit in Brazil, which led to curtailment of state support programs, increase of social tension, intensification of political struggle and weakening of the ruling party. Attention is given to personal ambitions of former allies of the ousted president who sought to preserve their careers amidst numerous anti-corruption investigations. The author concludes that the preconditions for the impeachment of Dilma Rousseff were formed long before, and many accusations against the former president were not sufficiently justified by her political opponents

The period of Russian emigrants’ presence in Harbin in the 1920s–1940s is divided into three stages. The first stage is the time from the October Revolution to the establishment of diplomatic relations between China and the Soviet Union. The second stage encompasses the period from the mutual recognition of each other by the Republic of China and the USSR until the Mukden incident on 18 September 1931. The third stage lasted from the beginning of the Japanese occupation of North-Eastern China until the end of World War II. The number of Russian emigrants in Harbin was signifi cant. Despite the fact that, in the period between the two world wars, China did not easily build its relations with other countries, Russian emigrants, brought up in the traditions of Western secular education and traditional Orthodoxy equally alien to the Chinese, managed not only to maintain their cultural identity, but also to develop steadfastly in its context. This development took diff erent directions. The business of the “Russian Harbin” remained buzzing. The entrepreneurs resident there tried not only to maintain, but also to increase their presence in the Chinese and, more broadly, in the world economy. The cultural life of emigrants was also at a high level, and the traditions of the Russian Silver Age were continued. New literary works were created and societies appeared that united representatives of creative professions. Harbin became the centre of musical education, not only for Russian emigrants, but also for the local population. Many well-known Chinese performers and musicians were educated in the music education institutions of the “Russian Harbin”. The city was embellished with civil and religious buildings erected by Russian architects. The sphere of education was represented by educational institutions of all levels. Publishing activity did not stop — Russian periodicals were printed in Harbin, books were published, including memoirs of participants in the White movement, and there was an extensive network of libraries. The well-organized cultural life of the “Russian Harbin” contributed to the fact that Russian emigrants preserved their national identity.

After the defeat in World War I Bulgaria was forcibly demilitarized within the new Versailles system of world order. The disarmament and the destruction of surplus arms and ammunition were closely monitored by delegates of the Inter-Allied Military Control Commission of the victorious countries. However, the remaining small arms served as the basis for many processes and events during the interwar period in Bulgaria. Among them are the September 1918 uprising, the chain of political assassinations, the armed struggle of the Macedonian Revolutionary Organization, the June 1923 military coup d’état, the September 1923 armed uprising. To date, historians have not reached a consensus on the quantity of small arms withdrawn from legal circulation. Moreover, the total number of weapons in the possession of the Bulgarian army at the end of World War I has not even been clarified. However, these questions seem important for assessing the significance of the armed struggle in the internal political history of both Bulgaria and the Balkan region. This article examines the process of concealment of small arms and weapons of the Bulgarian army against the background of latent and obvious confrontation between the new political power, represented by the leaders of the Bulgarian Agrarian People’s Union and the military authority. Previously unexploited sources have enabled to study in detail the ways the weapons had been hidden from the international commission’s control. The quantitative assessment of the weapons which were taken out of legal circulation is based on the analysis of the available data and sheds a new light on such aspects of the interwar crisis as the involvement of the Bulgarian army in concealing small arms and special military equipment, the ways of weapons acquisition by opposition forces, and the revival of the country’s military power aft er the inter-allied military control ended. The author also questions the opinion which has been accepted in historiography about the organization of large-scale arms smuggling by the Soviet Russian government to the Bulgarian Communist Party in August–September 1923.

The industrial boom in Russia in the late 19th century was not least owed to the economic opportunities in Turkestan, which became the basis for the development of cotton production in the empire. From the very beginning, private capital became interested in the potential benefi ts of the economic exploitation of Central Asia. The leading role in this process had to be played by land irrigation and the development of transport infrastructure in the region, which ensured an uninterrupted supply of raw material to the processing plants in the European part of Russia. Public funds were not enough for the purpose, and public opinion asked the question: could substantial private capital be attracted to Turkestan for common advantage, and what should be done? The subject of this research is public discussion in the periodicals on the attraction of private capital to the Turkestan region from the late 1880s through the early 1910s. The analysis reveals the most controversial aspects of the discussion. The author concludes that public thought, both liberal and conservative, was dominated by the idea that funds from private enterprises should be used in Turkestan. Its criticism was rather an exception, characteristic of reactionaries and conservatives who feared the interference of foreign (especially Jewish) capital. At the same time, some authors urged reliance on small and medium-sized capital, which they saw as more flexible, while big capital was regarded not only as a way to quickly resolve the problem of lack of funds, but also as a threat to the principles of public water management. For the first time, the article deals with the public discussion of the role of private capital both in Turkestan periodicals and in the central press. A number of previously unused publications of diff erent political orientation are employed.

Political prisoners’ suicide in Schlisselburg and other prisons in Tsarist Russia was not uncommon. The opinion that Mikhail Grachevsky attempted to force mitigation of the prison regime and sacrificed himself for the sake of his fellow inmates is generally accepted. While analyzing Grachevsky’s path to the revolution and his personal qualities, the article examines the real reason for his suicide. Soon after his first arrest Grachevsky joined the Narodniks, led propaganda among the workers, for which he was arrested. Three years of solitary confinement, participation in the trial of 193 (1877–1878) formed him as a revolutionary. He was sent into exile to Kholmogory (Arkhangelsk province) and escaped, then joined the revolutionary organization Narodnaya Volya and became a member of its Executive Committee. Numerous arrests of his colleagues in 1881 put him at the forefront of the organization. By the time of his arrest on 5 June 1882 Grachevsky was one of the most experienced revolutionaries, who participated in several terrorist attacks, worked in underground printers and led propaganda in provinces. Not surprisingly, such responsible, dangerous activity had exhausted his nervous system. The future promised only arrest and the gallows, and Grachevsky expected nothing else for himself. He was also tormented by guilt, because he carelessly led the police to the safe apartment where many members of Narodnaya Volya were arrested. He took the most blame and was sentenced to life imprisonment in the trial of 17 (1883). Grachevsky ended up in a prison cell at Schlisselburg, where he committed suicide three years later. The author examines Grachevsky’s medical case as revealed by the official reports of the doctor and jail warden and the memoirs of Schlisselburg’s prisoners and argues that he lost his mind due to harsh imprisonment conditions

Peasant ethics was the basis for the relationship of peasants in the community, while its norms were largely determined by the patriarchal traditions and the religious stance of its members. Based on the sentences of the volost courts in the Smolensk province in the second half of the 19th century, the article shows the influence of peasant ethics and the related legal customs on the administration of justice in a peasant estate volost. Before the abolition of serfdom, labour, financial and land relations in the community were regulated by legal customs. That is why, aft er 1861, the volost courts, which consisted mostly of illiterate peasants who did not know general civil law, were guided by legal customs. The characteristic features of the volost court were the absence of bureaucratic procedures and the simplicity of paperwork. Litigation often ended with the reconciliation of the parties, since within the framework of the religious worldview of the peasants, the peaceful settlement of disputes and disagreements was considered a deed which was pleasing to God. The majority of litigation cases in the books of verdicts of the volost courts concerned the non-fulfilment of debt and labour obligations by peasants. Peasants who did not fulfil their obligations had a bad reputation in the community. For such offenses, the volost courts usually punished the culprits with a monetary penalty. Theft was a rare type of offense in the practice of peasant estate courts. The peasants knew one another well, and often experienced distress due to the lack of land and crop failures. Under these circumstances, the attitude of the community members to theft was extremely negative. The materials of the volost courts verdicts also show the evolution of the attitude of peasants to corporal punishment, which in the last quarter of the 19th century increasingly met a negative reaction. Such dynamics indicates a change in the consciousness of the peasants, and the awakening in them a sense of dignity. Punishment with rods in the community began to be considered an unacceptable measure that humiliates the peasant. Peasant ethics had a significant impact on the legal practice of volost courts, since peasants in the post-reform period continued to live according to legal customs, unlike other classes of pre-revolutionary Russia.

The fate of the Papal States during the unification of Italy is of particular scientific interest. Despite the economic backwardness of the state, which was aggravated during the years of the Restoration, the papacy sought to maintain its influence in Italian and European politics. The traditions of the theocratic state management absorbed much from the practice of governing the Catholic Church, which led to the formation of a special political culture. Due to this, the political practice of the Papal States in the first half of the 19th century combined extremely retrograde elements and ideological innovation in an original way, which made it possible to use the potential of the Catholic doctrine and maintain a leading political role in the Appenines. The early 1840s saw the crystallization of the doctrine of neo-Guelphism, which believed that the papacy was destined for a special mission in the political revival and unification of Italy. This doctrine evoked a wide response throughout the entire Apennines and beyond. The purpose of this article is to analyse the political and administrative practices of the papacy, the uniqueness of its political culture and social climate. The Papal States are characterized by a complex combination of secular and ecclesiastical methods of influencing society. Ideas about the political role of the papal state and its immediate prospects were often formed not so much around its objective potential as by centuries-old belief in the fundamental differences between the nature of this state and the nature of its Italian neighbours. The innovative course taken by the newly elected Pope Pius IX in 1846–1847 seriously undermined this conviction, but did not alienate the model of the political evolution of the Papal States from the fate of some other Italian states. Identification of the features of the political culture of the Papal States is possible only by studying a range of specific sources. The article deals with the basic official, religious and secular, documents of the Curia, and the evidence left by the publicist and fictional literature of the era. The results of the study will allow a better understanding of the condition of the papal state on the eve of the 1848 revolution, as well as the reasons for the subsequent conservative turn.

From the middle of the second century CE the relief scenery of theaters in Asia Minor — Nysa, Perge and Side — sees the appearance of a scene of the washing of the infant Dionysus by nymphs. The composition is characterized by consistent iconography. The inclusion of the scene in the composition of the narrative cycles, and the images of the figure of Hermes (in Nysa, Perge) and Zeus (in Side) depicted on neighboring plates make it possible to connect it with the myth of the birth of Dionysus from the thigh of Zeus and the upbringing of the god by the Nysean nymphs. Though the legend was well known, the first examples of the image of bathing the infant Dionysus only appear in Roman art at the turn of the first century BC — first century AD in the picturesque ornamentation and hoards from aristocratic houses of Rome and Campania, as well as in the relief decoration of sarcophagi. Scholarly literature has associated the appearance of this iconography with the establishment of the cult of Dionysus Hebon in Naples during the reign of Augustus. By the second century this scene had firmly established itself in the repertoire of the relief scenery of sarcophagi and decorative programs of theaters. The fourth century saw the appearance of its variations, where Dionysus was replaced by Achilles or Alexander the Great. The analysis of the artifacts points to the earlier origins of this scene, and this article attempts to investigate them. In addition, the authors uncover the reasons for referring to the plot in the context of the cultural environment of the Roman Empire, and identify the semantic aspects of the scene. As a result of the research, the authors have proposed a hypothesis about the Hellenistic prototypes of the image of the infant Dionysus and its connection with the concept of the onset of the “golden age” in Rome. The fusion of the images of the emperor and Dionysus, new aspects associated with the cult of nymphs, make it possible to interpret the bathing scene as a hint to the image of the “emperor-child”. In the context of culture and visual self-representation of the cities of Asia Minor, the presence of the bathing scene of Dionysus in decorative cycles among the plots of local legends, apparently, indicates the integration of local cults into the imperial mythologeme.

The article addresses a poorly studied issue of the social signifi cance of some pieces of the Prussian warrior’s equipment on the eve of the Teutonic Order invasion in the Baltic Prussia. The comparative analysis of some elements of the military material culture of the inhabitants of the Amber Region makes it possible to draw the following conclusions. In the Merovingian period, Prussian masters creatively modified (rather simplifi ed) Western European elite products, focusing on the needs of the top Prussian warriors. At the end of the Viking Age, in a number of cases, local producers independently created prestigious and socially significant items for the Prussian military nobility. First of all, this refers to bronze spurs covered with silver and imitating gold. In the latter case, the find at the Birka burial site suggests that the Sambians imitated Scandinavian bronze spurs. In the fifth–eleventh centuries, Prussian jewelers and blacksmiths used socially significant products of Western craft smen as models for their elite products, but at the beginning of the Order time, local craftsmen directly copied elements of chivalric equipment. A pair of silver-plated spurs, originating from a ruined fourteenth-century Prussian inhumation and found in the layer of the Alt-Wehlau/Prudnoe burial ground, typologically copies the knight’s spurs. However, the stylized figurines of goats, mythical companions of God Perkuno, presented on these spurs, point to fact that these luxurious objects were commissioned by a Prussian aristocrat who went over to the side of the Teutonic Order and tried to imitate the Order knights in his armor. The same Prussian aristocrats also owned the “chivalric belts” mentioned in Order documents, which denoted the high social status of the emerging stratum of local feudal lords. Found in the inhumations of the Alt-Wehlau/Prudnoye burial ground, such belts were made following the example of the Order belts. However, though the cover plates of the Prussian belts, according to the Order tradition, bear the image of a cross pattée, the buckle shows a stylized image of the above-mentioned goat — the mythical companion of Perkuno. This specifi city of the products of the Prussian masters, which imitate the Order items, does not allow us to say that the set of equipment of the vitings was identical with the knights’ armor.

The article reconstructs the history of the unique Middle East Regional Cooperation Program (MERC) international aid program, initiated by U.S. authorities shortly after the Camp David Accords between Israel and Egypt that U.S. diplomats helped negotiate. This program, which was designed to promote regional peace through financing research collaboration between Israeli and Arab scholars, has been going on uninterruptedly for almost half a century. However, Russian scholars in both American and Middle Eastern Studies have never substantively examined the MERC Program, the few foreign authors interested in this initiative have limited themselves to reviewing its implementation in the 20th century. This article aims to fill this gap in the historiography of U.S. mediation in the Middle East by drawing on a set of sources that cover the period of eight U.S. presidents (from J. Carter to J. Biden), many of which are being introduced into scholarly circulation for the first time. Exploration of the origins of the MERC Program and the U.S. Congress documents allowed to identify the crucial role of the U.S. legislators in its launch and support during the last decade of the Cold War. An analysis of independent reports on the implementation of the program and the testimonies of American, Israeli and Arab scholars helped reveal the differences in assessments of the initiative and the contribution of “triangular” projects to the improvement of the regional climate. It was found that the 1991 Madrid Conference and the launch of the Oslo peace process in 1993 gave a new impetus to the development of the MERC Program. The improvement in the external situation led to the U.S. transition from the original mediation model to funding direct contacts between Israeli and Arab scholars, an emphasis on the involvement of Palestinians, and an increase in the number of projects and participants. However, the importance of the MERC Program has steadily declined throughout the 21st century. This resulted both from a shift in priorities due to the Global War on Terrorism and from the almost complete halt in the Palestinian-Israeli peace process, which none of the last four U.S. administrations has been able to relaunch successfully.

The problem of the decolonization of African countries continues to be a subject of an ongoing discussion, and this direction is one of the most promising in modern historiography. This article analyzes the development of a new format of Franco-Algerian relations after Algeria had gained independence, putting it in the context of political, socio-economic, cultural and linguistic interaction between the two countries. The research topic seems relevant in connection with the sixtieth anniversary of the signing of the Évian Accords, which proclaimed the end of the war for the national liberation of Algeria (1954–1962). Once the agreements had been signed, the parties had to deal with the task of putting them into practice. Both states were faced with the challenge to build relations based on the principles of relative equality, political, economic and cultural cooperation. The difficulties that inevitably arose during the formation of the young Algerian state (acute lack of financial resources, limited technical capacities, lack of qualifi ed personnel) allowed France to strengthen its position in Algeria by providing economic and humanitarian assistance to the former colonial possession. Algeria, having been for a long time under the direct control of the French Republic, was not able to compete with the former metropolis, which was politically and economically strong. The article discusses the main directions and results of the policy of the French government towards the independent Algerian Republic within a short but critical period – March–December 1962. It is concluded that the Évian Accords became the basis for the formation of Franco-Algerian relations, and outlined the main vectors and criteria for interstate cooperation. Nevertheless, the practical implementing of these agreements showed that the plans outlined by France had failed. The neo-colonialist nature of French policy caused complications in cooperation with Algeria. In this regard, the leadership of the Fifth Republic was forced to respond quickly and revise its policy in this area, to develop new ways of building relations with Algeria for nearest future and in the long haul.

Based on archival materials, first introduced into scientific circulation, the article deals with the topic of Soviet soldiers from the Udmurt ASSR, who, after being captured, were kept in the Nazi concentration camp Buchenwald. A small number of such prisoners of war held behind barbed wire, survived, and after their liberation they re-joined the ranks of the Red Army. Some of these soldiers and offi cers were “buried” twice: first they were considered killed in action, then as those who died in captivity. However, despite all the hardships, they survived, celebrated the Victory in the Great Patriotic War and returned to their homeland. The topic is relevant as it has not been suffi ciently discussed in Russian historiography, and scholars have not paid enough attention to many aspects of the front-line biographies of soldiers from the Udmurt republic, held in Nazi detention centres or missing in action. The author made an attempt to generalize and analyse previously known and newly revealed facts. The article provides information about the participation of one of the natives of Udmurtia in the uprising of prisoners, which began on 11 April 1945 and, even before the arrival of American troops, led to the liberation of all Buchenwald prisoners. As an introduction to the work, the author describes the regime in the concentration camp, which was specially organized for the extermination of prisoners of war and other categories of prisoners recognized as opponents of the Nazi dictatorship and the Third Reich, and uses the published materials of the Nuremberg Trials and the recollections of eyewitnesses. The author looks at the main milestones in the biographies of soldiers and officers from Udmurtia who were able to endure all the hardships of life in this concentration camp. The analysis of the archival documents has revealed some of the reasons that determined the incarceration of Soviet prisoners of war in Buchenwald. Many of the facts mentioned in the article are presented in the scholarly literature for the first time. The study sheds light on one of the “blank spots” in the history of the Great Patriotic War.

The article discusses the problem of the formation of the “image of the enemy”, the German and the Austrian, during the First World War in the periodical press of the Russian Empire. In the early 20th century periodicals began to play an important role in social life. During the war, newspapers, magazines and leafl ets became the main means of forming the “enemy image” and were used by the establishment, among other things, as a kind of a “fuse” against possible social unrest and upheavals. The Russian authorities and the mass media affi liated with them tried to represent the enemy as adversely as possible. In 1914–1918 a huge number of periodicals in the Russian provinces published materials aimed at demonizing and dehumanizing the enemy. This article analyzes the methods of creating the “enemy image” in the periodical press, and reveals the role of Simbirsk and Samara newspapers and magazines in the formation of a negative perception of Germans (including those from Russia) among the common folk. The article investigates periodicals which were published in the initial period of the war, in 1914–1915. The authors show the concrete examples of the information outreach of the periodical press in the conditions of international upheavals. During the period of jingoism which swept the general public, lasting from August 1914 to the spring of 1915, the press focused on justifying Russia’s participation in the First World War, the righteousness of Russia’s war against the countries of the Quadruple Alliance, as well as the idea of the fact that the Germany and its allies did not have the necessary resources for a long military confrontation. In 1914, when creating the “enemy image”, the main object of debunking was “German militarism”, while the criticism of the government of Austria-Hungary was somewhat muffled. However, starting from the winter–spring of 1915, criticism of the “Austro-Hungarian invaders” and the policy of the Austro-Hungarian government as a whole came to the fore.

Between October and November 1917, Moscow became the scene of the fierce fighting between the supporters of the Bolsheviks and the forces loyal to the Provisional Government. Active hostilities took place in Theater Square, and as a result, both state theaters, the Bolshoi and Maly, were damaged. The Bolshoi Theater was relatively lucky, but the Maly was pillaged at the hands of a Red Guard detachment, which was formed at the Kolchuginsky plant in the Vladimir province. It arrived in Moscow on 1 November and occupied the theater on the night of 2 November. As soon as the Red Guards were induced to leave the Maly Theater on 4 November, the heads of the latter (artists A.I. Sumbatov-Yuzhin and O.A. Pravdin) initiated a scrupulous calculation of the losses. The damage caused to the state property was generally compensated within a few months, unlike the significant losses of the personal property of the artists and employees. Correspondence about the compensation for the latter lasted for at least a year, while progressing inflation was depreciating the originally claimed compensation. The plunder of the Maly Theater had such political consequences as a sharp surge of anti-Bolshevik sentiments not only among the members of its troupe, but in Moscow theatrical circles as a whole. The press described the “pillage” of the “Shchepkin’s Home” in minute detail, the journalists did not spare harsh words to characterize the Red Guards, and the actors of the Maly Theater themselves at a general meeting on 7 November accepted the resolution proposed by A.I. Sumbatov-Yuzhin in which they sharply demanded non-interference in their activities by any institutions or persons that did not belong to the troupe. That was an obvious attack on the Moscow Military Revolutionary Committee and its appointee “commissar for theatre” E.K. Malinovskaya. The plunder of the Maly Theater contributed to the strengthening of the positions of irreconcilable opponents of the new government in the theater department, in particular, F.D. Batyushkov, whom A.I. Sumbatov-Yuzhin gave a detailed report about the events in Moscow.

The article examines the audiences of a prominent dignitary Count S.D. Sheremetev with Emperor Nicholas II. Sheremetev, who was close to Emperor Alexander III and Empress Maria Feodorovna, after the enthronement of Nicholas II in 1894 sought to build trusting relations with the new monarch, and in many respects he succeeded. The novelty of this study lies in the fact that the content of the numerous audiences of the count can only be reconstructed from his diaries, which are still unpublished and little studied due to the Sheremetev’s highly illegible handwriting. The author of the article has studied descriptions of about a hundred audiences that took place from the accession to the throne of Nicholas II and until the First World War. Their content is systematized: the author describes the issues discussed by the emperor and the count, and highlights some features of the tsar’s behavior, which were noted by his interlocutor and which add new traits to the stereotypical characteristics of this historical personality. Audiences dedicated to the discussion of political problems are examined. Thanks to the detailed narration of such meetings left by Sheremetev, it becomes possible to clarify the tsar’s position on some signifi cant issues. Among them, for example, are the conflict between the Tver Governor P.D. Akhlyostyshev and the Minister of Internal Aff airs I.L. Goremykin, or the special disposition of Nicholas II to the Minister of the Interior D.S. Sipyagin, which Sheremetev, who was a relative of the minister, was well informed about. Some other topics of the audiences are indirectly related to politics, in particular, the activities of the Russian Historical Society and debate about the assessment of past events. The diary puts the mutual antipathy of Sheremetev and the chairman of this society, A.A. Polovtsov in this context. Based on the analyzed audiences, an important conclusion is made about value differences which the count and the emperor had. The former extremely negatively perceived the liberal manifestations of the government course of the new reign, the latter was a much greater realist and was forced to turn a blind eye to the reformist undertakings that the political situation demanded.

The article considers the latest publication of a set of documents on the history of Russian-Spanish relations in the late 1660s, carried out by V.A. Vedyushkin and E.E. Rychalovsky and featuring B.N. Florya, O.V. Volosyuk and other major Russian researchers. The author of the article notes the numerous advantages of the publication, points to its innovative nature, and draws attention to the specifi c research prospects that this detailed work provides for a wide range of scientists. The collection occupies a prominent place among the publications of sets of documents and closes a noticeable gap in the studies of Russian- Spanish relations of the Eearly Modern period carried out in recent years. This publication can be considered unique due to the fact that the presented materials allow comprehensive study of the first fully fledged Russian embassy to Spain, as well as the identifi cation of the features of both the Russian and Spanish views on the events. The collection is accompanied by supplementary materials, which are highly professionally compiled and exceptionally detailed. These are, first of all, introductory articles reviewing Russian-Spanish relations and the personality of P.I. Potemkin, as well as annotations to the documents and end notes on a number of individual but relevant issues. All these texts provide scholars with extensive new data. Even more new information awaiting its researcher can be found in the first published sources of Russian and Spanish origin, thus introduced into scientific circulation. They not only provide an opportunity to comprehend the goals, course, and results of P.I. Potemkin’s embassy as well as the embassy ceremonial, but also contain vivid details for studying the reciprocal views of Russians and Spaniards (including in a historical retrospective) and even the self-awareness of the ambassadors. The published documents are a rich source of evidence about the daily routine and manners of the Russian ambassadors in Spain, the difficulties they encountered on the way, and the range of everyday problems that they had to solve. Of exceptional interest is also the information related to economy.

Abstract. The article deals with the coverage of the Catiline conspiracy in the “History of Pistoia” (Historia Pistoriensis) by the Florentine humanist Giannozzo Manetti. This work, written presumably in 1446–1447 and favorably received by the authorities of Pistoia, represents a rare opportunity to understand on what basis the self-identifi cation of the inhabitants of the city, convinced of their Roman roots, was constructed. The “History of Pistoia” has not been translated into Russian, and an attempt at detailed analysis of Manetti’s story about Catiline has never been made before. The author of the article comes to the conclusion that, despite the strong indebtedness to his main sources — “On the Conspiracy of Catiline” by Sallust, “New Chronicle” by G. Villani and “History of the Florentine People” by L. Bruni, the humanist makes a number of signifi cant changes in the interpretation of events of 63–62 BC. Although Manetti by no means justifi es the attempt to raise a rebellion against the Republic, he greatly exalts the image of Catiline; he emphasizes the greatness of his soul, the grandeur of the idea, and eloquence. While Villani’s Lucius Sergius is above all a brave warrior, Manetti underlines the quality so valued in the Renaissance — his mastery of the word. According to the “History of Pistoia”, Catiline is one of the great enemies of the Republic, those outstanding personalities whose talents make their owners especially dangerous for Rome. Slightly shifting the emphasis of the narrative, Manetti relieves Faesulae and Tuscany of the blame for participating in the conspiracy. The ancient land of the Etruscans is depicted almost as a victim of circumstances. The humanist’s story of the “battle of Pistoria” is, in fact, a reiteration of Sallust. Of certain interest is the reference to “reliable authors” (idoneos auctores) who reported the losses of government troops. Of the Greco-Roman writers, only Sallust dwelled on this aspect. G. Villani was also classifi ed as a reliable narrator. Taking into account Manetti’s high assessment of the Tuscan historical tradition, it can be assumed that he also had in mind the works of his countrymen — Brunetto Latini, Ricordano Malespini, Marchione di Coppo Stefani and others.

For the first time in Russian historical writing, the author turns to the history of the French Academy in Rome. Avoiding the chronological approach already elaborated in foreign historiography, the article presents a picture of the life of the Academy from the point of view of a royal pensioner staying within its walls, his daily routine, activities and acquaintances. For a young French artist, studying in Rome was the most important final period of his formation, with significant implications both for his creative self-awareness and for his future career. Thus, the aim of the research is to consider one by one the opportunities that opened up for the royal pensioner and his living conditions. Based on such sources as the charter of the French Academy in Rome, the correspondence of its directors with the Parisian authorities, as well as on an extensive body of foreign literature, the author consistently examines the contingent and background of students, the requirements for their professional skills, behavior, marital status and religion, living conditions in the changing residences of the Academy, educational curriculum. The author goes into detail about such an important function of the French Academy in Rome as the replenishment of the royal collection with copies of the works of Italian masters and about the attitude of students to the need to devote a lot of time to copying. The article raises the question about the pensioners’ trips, the way the opportunity to visit different regions of Italy influenced young artists and even the processes in French art of this period. It also highlights such an important aspect as the relationship of pensioners with academic authorities, their conflicts, and the struggle for their rights. Attention is paid to the entertainment of pensioners, their socialite acquaintances and the first orders carried out contrary to the charter. In conclusion, the importance of an internship in Rome for the education of a young French artist is determined, no matter whether he chose a career at home or abroad. Italian pensionship is characterized as a common experience for the French artistic elite, significant for all French art of the period under study.

Vitaliy Borisovich Vinogradov, graduate of the Department of Archaeology, Faculty of History, Moscow State University, in 1961, enjoyed a bright and fruitful life, signifi cant for society and many people around him. Much has been written about his biography, but there is no comprehensive analysis of Vinogradov’s progress as a professional archaeologist in his student years. The author presents his tribute to the teacher and mentor, who largely determined the life of his disciples. This article examines Vinogradov’s early publications, starting from 1958, numerous abstracts of conference papers, analytical and newspaper articles. Some of them were written in collaboration with his friends, archeologists, participants of the All-Russian archaeological conferences, while Vinogradov was a student in the Department of Archaeology, Faculty of History, MSU. The author attempts at combining scholarly research with a description of the vivid features of Vinogradov’s personality, which were refl ected in his student publications. The study is largely based on Vinogradov’s recollections of his relations with his professors, relatives and friends. His participation in E.I. Krupnov’s archaeological expeditions in the North Caucasus was essential in shaping him as a fi eld archaeologist at an early stage. A notable role in the formation of his professional skills was played by A.V. Artsikhovskiy, B.N. Grakov and K.F. Smirnov’s benign participation in this creative process. As a result, the author concludes that Vinogradov’s development as a researcher was most benefi cially infl uenced by the traditions and unique professorial and teaching staff of those years at the Department of Archaeology, Faculty of History, Moscow State University.

The practical implementation of the new economic policy led to a change in the relations of the Soviet state with the Church and, in 1923, brought about the transition to a new course of religious policy, which combined administrative pressure and repressions against the clergy with a “liberal” attitude towards ordinary believers. This article analyzes the implementation of the “religious NEP” in the south of the country, in particular, in the Kuban–Black Sea region and the Stavropol province, characterizes the contradictions between declaratory official documents and the activities of local authorities, identifies the main forms and methods of carrying out policy towards the Orthodox clergy and laity. Attention is drawn to the role of security authorities in the policy towards the Orthodox Church, including its regional specificity. The problem of “religious NEP” in the regions in question has not been a subject of special historical studies. The new religious course was perceived differently depending on the locality, the authorities did not take into account the need for tactical maneuvers with groups of believers. Thus, in the Kuban region in 1922–1923, administrative support for the Renovationist schism through the closure of churches and the liquidation of the “Tikhon communities” led to the dominance of the Renovationists among the church groups in the region, in defiance of the center’s instructions. This created the prerequisites for the intervention of the Presidium of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee in order to forcibly maintain a balance. At the same time, in the Stavropol province, the intense activity done by the episcopate of the Patriarchal Church and the sluggishness of the local authorities in 1923–1926 significantly reduced the support of Renovationism by the laity and necessitated the repressive actions of the security authorities. Simultaneously with the departure from the tactics of “religious NEP” in 1926, the anti-religious policy intensified, and public trials of the clergy were widely covered in the local press. Thus, the implementation of the policy during the period of the “religious NEP” in the localities was inconsistent and, despite the attempts of the center to achieve uniformity in its making, the party organs and the OGPU did not achieve the goal of destroying the Orthodox Church

The inspection of non-production cells of the RKP(b) in 1924–1925 was de facto purge of the Party, which affected a significant part of its members. It began soon after the end of the all-party discussion, in which L.D. Trotsky’s supporters were defeated, and became a method for fighting the opposition, which found much support in non-production cells. At the same time, the purge also was a kind of examination of qualitative composition of both examinees and their examiners. It revealed attitudes, relationships and progress of the local party work. The 1924–1925 event has not been sufficiently studied. This article aims to reconstruct the general picture of the purge on the basis of the verbatim reports of the plenums of the Central Control Commission of the RKP(b), as well as a number of other sources. The aspect of the struggle against the opposition found its greatest expression during the first stage of the purge in 1924, when “alien” elements were harshly excluded from the Party. Later, while this focus was retained, phenomena contrary to “party ethics” came to the fore, that is, drunkenness, embezzlement, performance of religious rites, moral decay, “passivity”, etc. The documents demonstrate the peculiarity of “centre-local” relations, when the local “check-up troikas”, disoriented by the ambiguity of instructions from the “centre”, tried to expel as many as possible members from the Party, while the higher bodies and the Central Control Commission were readmitting former Communists to the ranks of the RKP(b). The purge took place in an atmosphere of fear and often took on the character of a punitive action. It exposed the low level of political literacy of the majority of Party members, the heterogeneous social composition of the RKP(b), the impact of the New Economic Policy on the Communists, etc. The “check-up troikas” received a “mass of reports” on the party members, and during their “shocking” inspection work troikas did not always subject these allegations to thorough scrutiny, and in many cases dismissals were unfair. The inspection proved to be a kind of “mirror” of the party in the NEP period, and also revealed the serious problems which the party was inevitably going to have to face later.

The plague epidemic in Manchuria and the Chinese Eastern Railway right-of-way in 1910–1911 has for many years been a subject of study by scholars in various fields. At the same time, the views of Chinese researchers on the causes of the spread and course of the epidemic, and on the participation of Chinese medics in its localization, were poorly presented in the Russian literature. Public opinion, which was reflected in the Russian press and sessions of the State Duma, is also not fully covered in studies. In order to fill the historiographic gap, the authors examine medical reports of the early twentieth century, documents of the Russian State Historical Archive, stenographic reports of the State Duma, periodicals and memoirs of the Chinese physician, “fighter against plague”, Wu Lienteh. They conclude that the plague epidemic in 1910–1911, which took the lives of more than 100,000 people in northeast China and Chinese Eastern Railway area, was not unexpected for Russian medical experts, who had recorded local outbreaks of plague before. However, what occurred in the autumn of 1910 took the administration at all levels, both in Russia and China, by surprise. The absence of a system of anti-plague organizational measures and trained medical personnel resulted in the rapid spread of plague from Russian Transbaikalia to the southern provinces of China. Calls from a Siberian group of deputies to the State Duma to fight against the plague all together were met with little enthusiasm. The Russian press also tried to focus on this urgent problem. Thousands of deaths in Manchuria were announced regularly on the pages of newspapers at the turn of 1910–1911. It was due to the tremendous effort on the part of medical workers and substantial financial resources, mainly Russian, that the epidemic was finally brought to a halt. The plague did not penetrate into Russian territory.

The article examines Nicholas II’s participation in Russian government during suppression of the Moscow armed uprising in 1905 and his contribution to this process. In historiography, this topic, despite the eff orts of a number of scholars, has not been comprehensively studied. For the first time, on the basis of clerical documents (staff reports) and personal sources (diaries, memoirs, letters), the author attempts at determining the degree of the emperor’s awareness of the events in Moscow and the factors on which it depended. Nicholas II’s major contribution to the defeat of the uprising was the decision to send reinforcements to Moscow on 13 (26) December 1905. The author concludes that the information regarding the progress of the armed uprising, which the emperor received, was of a specific nature. While being well informed about the main events of the “revolt”, the emperor had an exaggerated idea of the number of police officers and soldiers in the first capital and the number of revolutionaries opposing them. This was due to the crisis of administrative and military power in Moscow, which often resulted in getting unreliable information by the city’s government. It was also determined by the desire of this government to present the situation in Moscow to St. Petersburg authorities in a favorable light for themselves and by the relocation of the armed forces (the sending of combatready soldiers to the Far East due to the lack of trained reserves, etc.). Perhaps court intrigues also played a role. The decision making was also affected by such a feature of Nicholas II’s administrative style, as entrusting specific tasks to those in charge and retaining the overall control of the process for himself. As a result, the emperor did not send the troops to Moscow during the insurrection in the Rostov regiment on 2–4 (15–17) December, which might prevent the uprising, and decided to employ the Semenovsky regiment when its peak had passed and many Muscovites had been dead.

The history of mixed marriages in Russia officially dates back to 1721. The subject of this study is the structure of marriages among foreigners who joined the ranks of Moscow guild merchants in the period from the middle of the 18th to the middle of the 19th century. Entering into marriage with representatives of the local Orthodox population could serve as a factor contributing to the russification of former foreign subjects. At the same time, marriages within an ethno-confessional milieu were supposed to counteract processes of ethnic consolidation and ensure the preservation of national identity in subsequent generations. The article aims to determine which of the trends prevailed among the various national groups represented in the Moscow merchant class. These trends are considered independently for each national group and studied in comparison. The author introduces into scientific circulation a body of archival materials, which are sources on population statistics (data of revisions), office records (cases of admission to the Moscow merchant class) and sources of ecclesiastical nature (metric books of non-Orthodox churches). As the concept of “mixed marriage” encompasses not only the national aspect (the marriage of people of different nationalities), but also the confessional one (that is, marriage where both spouses were parishioners of different churches), the article analyzes the marriage structure in both aspects. On the basis of the studied sources, it is concluded that among merchants of foreign origin, marriages within the ethno-confessional milieu prevailed, although by the middle of the 19th century, the trend of marriages with representatives of the local Orthodox population had increased. At the same time, adherence to Orthodox religion of some national groups (such as, for example, the gypsies) was not a factor that contributed to the growth of marriages with representatives of this group in the milieu of the Moscow merchant class. Among merchants of French origin, national self-consciousness prevailed over religious self-consciousness, which was also reflected in the fact that cases of their marriage with Italians and Poles representing the same denomination were rare .

The New England colonies are consistently perceived in American national consciousness and historical memory as the birthplace of the statehood and culture of the future United States. Coexistence with Indians has been an important component of life for English colonists since the foundation of settlements in New England. The cultures of the peoples of New England gradually integrated and one of them took a dominant position. G.V. Alexandrov’s monograph “Saints” and “Savages”: The Relationship between Colonists and the Indigenous Population of New England in the Seventeenth Century significantly contributes to understanding the nature and dynamics of ethno-cultural processes and interactions in the early history of the New England region. The novelty of contemporary research approaches implies the study of cooperation rather than conflict, the mutual economic, political and cultural influence of colonists and Indians on each other. Coexistence between Europeans and Indians during this period seems to have been much closer than our sources’ authors were willing to admit. During this time the Indians developed several mechanisms in an attempt to integrate themselves into the colonial community and to maintain at least part of their territorial, political and cultural independence from the British. In the early colonial decades, relations of the colonies with the Indians were almost equal. The causes and background of the two main colonial wars fought by English colonists with the New England Indians in the 17th century — the Pequot War and King Philip’s War — are presented in an entirely new light. The motives of the participants in the Pequot War were quite complex, involving political, economic and cultural aspects. Above all, contradictions between different Indian tribes and groups played a significant role in the development of the conflict, and the positions of many Indian groups might temporarily overlap with those of Europeans. King Philip’s war of 1675–1676, although anti-colonial in nature, stemmed more from the conflict between Indian tribes and changes in the regional economic system.

The author analyses the diplomatic correspondence of the British ambassadors at the court of the Russian Empress Anna Ioannovna and examines, in addition to their professional activities, their living conditions and life at court (attending receptions, balls, masquerades in the imperial palace, participation in social life and various amusements at court was the responsibility of all ambassadors). This issue has not previously been the subject of special study, although it is relevant in the light of two recent trends in historical science — imagology (which explores intercultural communications between diff erent countries, and also individuals) and the history of everyday life. The article discusses the living conditions of the ambassadors, as well as their attitude to entertainment and participation in court life. One of the ambassadors’ wives expressed admiration at court balls and the guests’ outfits, but the diplomats themselves more oft en demonstrated a critical perception of entertainment events and practices at the court of the Empress. The ambassadors were indignant at the extravagance and luxury of the court, as well as at the expensive outfits that were necessary for the participation in the courtly pastimes for the courtiers, the Russian noblemen, and themselves as well. Diplomats were also dissatisfied with the high cost of living in the capital, which made them turn to their government for financial support. It can be concluded that, in general, the living conditions of the British ambassadors at the court of Anna Ioannovna were quite satisfactory. Nevertheless, residents most often spoke critically about their stay in Russia, as well as about Russian people, mainly about those who belonged to the upper strata of society. Researching the daily life of the ambassadors at the imperial court, on the basis of their correspondence with the Secretary of State, enriches our knowledge not only about foreign diplomats who worked in Russia, but also about the life and practices at the court of Empress Anna Ioannovna, and about her reign.

April 6, 2022 marked the 100th anniversary of Yuri Aleksandrovich Moshkov, PhD Candidate in History, Honored Lecturer of Moscow University, Associate Professor of the Department of Source Studies of Russian and Soviet History, Faculty of History, Lomonosov Moscow State University. He is one of the oldest lecturers of the university, his working life has almost entirely been devoted to the Faculty of History. His life and career are inseparable from the history of our country. A veteran of the Great Patriotic War, he traversed the arduous roads of war and has government awards. For many years he has been chairman of the Council of War and Labor Veterans of the History Faculty of Lomonosov Moscow State University, and has always actively participated in the patriotic upbringing of young people. Moshkov is an extremely peace-loving person, and when he talks about his military path and recalls the students and fellows of the history department who participated in the Patriotic War, he always expresses the hope that such a war will never happen again. In this article, his colleagues pay tribute to Yuri Aleksandrovich as a veteran, personality and patriot, and trace his path as a professional historian, author of a large number of scientific papers. He is a well-known specialist in the agrarian history of the Soviet period and regular participant in conferences, symposiums and scientific discussions on this issue. He is one of the architects of the development of quantitative methods used for solving a number of problems in historical research. Moshkov is a highly qualified lecturer, author of textbooks, study guides and teaching aids. Under his scientific guidance, about a hundred theses have been prepared, almost two dozen PhD theses have been defended. Through many years of work at the faculty, he has given lecture courses and conducted seminars on the historiography of national history and quantitative methods in historical research, taught students a large number of special courses on the history of the Soviet village, partisans of the Great Patriotic War, etc. On behalf of all the fellows of the university, the contributors of the present article wish our colleague, who is both wise and young at heart, to enjoy good health and to continue to have professional success.

The article examines the latest trends in the historiography of medieval art in Russia using the example of E.A. Khripkova’s monograph on the basilica of the famous abbey of Saint-Denis in the north suburb of Paris. Published in 2013 the book differs from previous Russian-language works on early Gothic in France and beyond, namely the books by K.M. Muratova and E.P. Yuvalova, by much more scholarly independence and bright novelty of her concept. But unfortunately the author allows a very free interpretation of the iconography of Saint Denis portals, which are the main objects of her study. Thus, the title of the book — Abbot Suger’s Basilica of Saint-Denis — does not correspond to its content. This article indicates many arbitrary interpretations, inaccurate descriptions and bibliographic lacunae in this research. The interpretation of the main scene on the central portal, the Last Judgment in the tympanum, contains a number of iconographic conclusions which seem to be completely arbitrary, in particular the thoughts regarding the mandorla of the Saviour and communion of the apostles (in fact not existing). The same applies to the interpretation of the iconographic programme of the so-called Valois Portal. The search for textual sources to explain the narrative cycle of the portals of the western facade is not quite specific and consequently the search for the theological meaning of Suger’s design is very far from the real understanding of the Apocalypse and the Last Judgment in theology of his time, instead the author deals with general medieval Latin interpretations. The stylistic aspects of the monument, which are of the utmost importance for the further development of Early Gothic art in France, are completely ignored by Khripkova. As a result, this extensive work seems of little help. The article also examines the methodology of iconographic studies of the Middle Ages and draws conclusions as to the relation between text and image in the art of the mature Gothic Middle Ages

The Federal Law “On Legal Guarantees of Opposition Activities in the Russian Federation”, which was approved by the State Duma in March 1997, was rejected by the President, who was guided by purely political considerations. However, many ambiguities and gaps of the law, which was thought to regulate and govern the activities of the opposition as an independent legal entity, would have inevitably created serious problems if it had entered into force. In the 2000s, representatives of the opposition factions in the Duma tried several times unsuccessfully to revisit this issue. In this respect, the experience of the 1990s, when the draft law became federal law even if it never entered into force, seems to be the most effective and therefore of the greatest research interest. The Federal Law “On Legal Guarantees of Opposition Activity in the Russian Federation” can be qualified primarily as a kind of historical source reflecting the political situation of the second half of the 1990s. In contemporary literature, the law is considered only in the general context of the large scale problem of providing additional legal guaran tees to the political minority in the Russian Federation. In recent years there has been a sharp decline in the number of scholarly works dealing with the theoretical issues of the legal institutionalisation of the opposition and the adoption of a special statute guaranteeing the rights of “dissenters”. This article examines the problem of the legal legitimation of the opposition, which was actualised in the second half of the 1990s by the representatives of the left -wing forces, on the basis of the complex use of different sources (legal acts and bills, parliamentary materials, data from the periodicals, electronic resources). The subject of the study is the political and legal context of the development, adoption and reasoned rejection of the Federal Law “On Legal Guarantees of Opposition Activity in the Russian Federation”. Its study is relevant because there is almost no analysis of the development and adoption of the Russian law “On Opposition” as a special regulatory act, which additionally guaranteed the rights and special status of the alternative socio-political associations.

The Federal Law “On Legal Guarantees of Opposition Activities in the Russian Federation”, which was approved by the State Duma in March 1997, was rejected by the President, who was guided by purely political considerations. However, many ambiguities and gaps of the law, which was thought to regulate and govern the activities of the opposition as an independent legal entity, would have inevitably created serious problems if it had entered into force. In the 2000s, representatives of the opposition factions in the Duma tried several times unsuccessfully to revisit this issue. In this respect, the experience of the 1990s, when the draft law became federal law even if it never entered into force, seems to be the most effective and therefore of the greatest research interest. The Federal Law “On Legal Guarantees of Opposition Activity in the Russian Federation” can be qualified primarily as a kind of historical source reflecting the political situation of the second half of the 1990s. In contemporary literature, the law is considered only in the general context of the large scale problem of providing additional legal guaran tees to the political minority in the Russian Federation. In recent years there has been a sharp decline in the number of scholarly works dealing with the theoretical issues of the legal institutionalisation of the opposition and the adoption of a special statute guaranteeing the rights of “dissenters”. This article examines the problem of the legal legitimation of the opposition, which was actualised in the second half of the 1990s by the representatives of the left -wing forces, on the basis of the complex use of different sources (legal acts and bills, parliamentary materials, data from the periodicals, electronic resources). The subject of the study is the political and legal context of the development, adoption and reasoned rejection of the Federal Law “On Legal Guarantees of Opposition Activity in the Russian Federation”. Its study is relevant because there is almost no analysis of the development and adoption of the Russian law “On Opposition” as a special regulatory act, which additionally guaranteed the rights and special status of the alternative socio-political associations.

The Soviet-Finnish Treaty of Friendship, Cooperation and Mutual Assistance which was concluded on 6 April 1948 completed the post-war settlement between Moscow and Helsinki. At the same time, it was one of the foundations of stability in northern Europe and it directly affected the interests of Sweden, whose neutral status remained in doubt aft er WWII. Stockholm paid close attention to foreign policy developments in its Nordic neighbours, including Finland, which chose to establish good neighbourly relations with the Soviet Union aft er the 1944 Moscow armistice. Moscow assumed that Sweden might be wary of the Soviet-Finnish mutual assistance treaty and shift its foreign policy line somewhat towards the West. This study is of interest due to the lack of a detailed analysis of the Swedish position on the conclusion of the Soviet-Finnish Treaty in historiography. The author uses sources from Swedish and Russian archives and libraries. The basis of source study was formed by the documents kept in the National Archives of Sweden (Riksarkivet) in Stockholm. Particular attention was paid to the collections of the Foreign Policy Department (Utrikesdepartementets arkiv), which contain reports from the Swedish embassies to Finland and the Soviet Union. The research mainly involved internal correspondence between the Swedish Ministry for Foreign Affairs and its representatives in these countries. The author refers to the minutes of the meetings of the Swedish Riksdag (Riksdagens protokoll) which allow to determine the position of the Swedish political circles concerning the conclusion of the Soviet-Finnish Treaty. A separate group of sources consists of the leading Swedish periodicals. The very important diaries of Finnish President J.K. Paasikivi shed light on the Soviet-Finnish negotiations during the period in question and analyse the details of Swedish-Finnish relations.

The article examines the background, course and results of the visit of Eric Johnston, President of the US Chamber of Commerce, to the USSR in the summer of 1944 at the invitation of Joseph Stalin. The programme of his visit included meetings with the USSR Commissar of Foreign Trade, Anastas Mikoyan, visits to large industrial enterprises, meetings with their directors, party functionaries and cultural and artistic figures. It culminated in a lengthy meeting between Johnston and Stalin, during which a wide range of political, economic and commercial issues were discussed. The Soviet government saw Johnston as an iconic figure with infl uence not only in business but also in government circles. The Kremlin was interested in obtaining large US loans for the purchase of industrial equipment. Johnston was just the man to lobby both private American firms and the US government to grant these loans to the Soviet Union. Upon his return home he made every effort to secure a favorable resolution to the loan issue. Publications that painted a positive image of the Soviet Union and called for increased trade relations between the two countries were placed in key US business periodicals. Johnston’s position was shared by many businessmen and offi cials of relevant government agencies. However, proponents of a more pragmatic approach in both business and administrative circles pointed out that the United States could not increase imports from the Soviet Union to the level that would match the necessary exports and serve as collateral for a large loan. After Soviet Commissar of Foreign Affairs, Vyacheslav Molotov, officially requested for the loan on 3 January 1945, the US government used the loan as an instrument of political pressure on the Kremlin.

The article attempts to interpret an important type of mass sources — letters “to the authorities” — from the standpoint of the new institutional history, based on the assumption that prospects for society’s development depend on the quality of the institutional system. Several concepts of neo-institutionalism, such as information asymmetry, the propensity of individual subjects for opportunistic behavior, the principal-agent problem, are used to analyze public attitudes toward the Soviet bureaucracy in the 1920s — early 1930s. The information asymmetry was dual, as each participant in the interaction within the “authorities–people” system tried to use it to promote their interests and achieve their goals. The article analyzes the patterns of behavior of the Soviet officials and of ordinary citizens on the basis of letters “to the authorities”. Those patterns were generated by the desire to benefit from the asymmetry of information. The opportunism of the subjects of social interactions is viewed from different angles, inter alia the negative attitude of citizens towards the opportunism of grassroots nomenclature figures who supposedly sabotaged the “proper” party policy in general. The principal-agent problem is considered in the context of the evolution of the Soviet political system. The state, due to the specifics of its political organization, strove for all-encompassing control and the dismantling of social compromises. This was most clearly manifested in the process of the curtailment of the NEP, which in itself was a model whose functioning was based on numerous compromises: between the city and the country, the Communist Party and the “specialists”, the wealthy peasants, NEPmen, and other population groups. Society responded to the breakdown of the system of compromises with high incidence of opportunistic behavior: overt and covert religious practices, hiding their property and income from taxation, violation of prescribed norms of behavior, low labor discipline, direct resistance to acts of violence by the authorities, etc. Opportunism (both malicious and non-malicious) in the Soviet system of relations of domination and subordination manifested itself everywhere, and citizens recorded its manifestations in letters.

During the First World War, the Russian Red Cross Society (here in after referred to as the RRCS, Red Cross) took over the organization of the evacuation and treatment of mentally ill soldiers. The article covers the society’s involvement in organizing this type of specialized assistance on the Caucasian front, the region where, due to the underdevelopment of medicine, such help was especially relevant. In the early twentieth century, military psychiatry was just beginning to evolve, differentiating itself from psychiatry proper. The War Department had had no time to prepare medical institutions for the mentally ill. In the course of this research, based on previously unstudied documents from Russian and foreign archives, the author established how the psychiatric care of the army on the Caucasian front was organized, what difficulties the RRCS faced, and to what extent the organization was effective. This work was complicated by long distances in the theater of war, the lack of suitable premises for accommodating patients, and the lack of qualified specialists. Gradually, the RRCS created an extensive system of providing assistance to the mentally ill on the Caucasian front, which included flying psychiatric squads affiliated with the troops, taking patients from the army, evacuation points, distribution centers and rear infirmaries. In the course of its activities, the Red Cross worked closely with the local military administration and public organizations. The military district administration forbade the evacuation of the mentally ill from the Caucasus. Since there were not enough available medical institutions to accommodate the “chronic patients”, the organization was forced to discharge those who needed further treatment. In general, the RRCS played a significant role in the care of mentally ill soldiers on the Caucasian front, succeeding in the new direction of medicine. The expertise of the organization was appreciated by the local authorities who took over the administration of the region in 1917 and planned to use the staff, premises and inventory of the psychiatric hospitals of the RRCS aft er demobilization.

The newspaper Kievlyanin, the principal periodical of the South-Western Region, allows more detailed consideration of the main aspects of the implementation of the peasant reform in the 1860s–1870s, including its Malorossian specificity. On the basis of archival documents and periodicals, the author shows a sharpness and complexity of the confrontation between supporters and opponents of the serfdom preservation even aft er the official approval of the “Regulations” of 19 February 1861. The defense of the nobility interests in the western provinces was undertaken not only by the supporters of Russian “aristocratic party”, but also by the local Polish landlords. Therefore, the emergence of the newspaper Kiyevlyanin, whose editorial board began to stand up for the basic principles of the reform, in such conditions in the summer of 1864 was a momentous event. The newspaper’s editors actively participated in the public debate and tirelessly stressed not only the importance of liberating the peasants, but also the need to overcome the Polish landownership as one of the major obstacles to the establishment of the “Russian element” in the region. The period of A.P. Bezak’s governorship (1865–1868) was especially active. An analysis of the Kievlyanin articles demonstrates that the editors and correspondents not only constantly reported on the peasant reforms, but also took a direct part in their implementation through the participation in the Association for Acquisition of Estates. However, a change of governmental course in the early 1870s, namely the switch to a policy of “conciliation” in the Western region and appointment of a new Kyiv Governor General, A.M. Dondukov-Korsakov, led to the ending of the Peasant reform. The attempts to solve the “peasant question” by organizing a long-term loan did not let the peasants be freed from the land shortage. Th e Kiyevlyanin repeatedly reported on the aggravation of relations between the landowners of the South-Western Region. Unable to influence the course of peasant reforms, the editorial board called for a return to the old track pursued by the Governor General A.P. Bezak.

The newspaper Kievlyanin, the principal periodical of the South-Western Region, allows more detailed consideration of the main aspects of the implementation of the peasant reform in the 1860s–1870s, including its Malorossian specificity. On the basis of archival documents and periodicals, the author shows a sharpness and complexity of the confrontation between supporters and opponents of the serfdom preservation even aft er the official approval of the “Regulations” of 19 February 1861. The defense of the nobility interests in the western provinces was undertaken not only by the supporters of Russian “aristocratic party”, but also by the local Polish landlords. Therefore, the emergence of the newspaper Kiyevlyanin, whose editorial board began to stand up for the basic principles of the reform, in such conditions in the summer of 1864 was a momentous event. The newspaper’s editors actively participated in the public debate and tirelessly stressed not only the importance of liberating the peasants, but also the need to overcome the Polish landownership as one of the major obstacles to the establishment of the “Russian element” in the region. The period of A.P. Bezak’s governorship (1865–1868) was especially active. An analysis of the Kievlyanin articles demonstrates that the editors and correspondents not only constantly reported on the peasant reforms, but also took a direct part in their implementation through the participation in the Association for Acquisition of Estates. However, a change of governmental course in the early 1870s, namely the switch to a policy of “conciliation” in the Western region and appointment of a new Kyiv Governor General, A.M. Dondukov-Korsakov, led to the ending of the Peasant reform. Th e attempts to solve the “peasant question” by organizing a long-term loan did not let the peasants be freed from the land shortage. Th e Kiyevlyanin repeatedly reported on the aggravation of relations between the landowners of the South-Western Region. Unable to influence the course of peasant reforms, the editorial board called for a return to the old track pursued by the Governor General A.P. Bezak.

The work covers hagiographic motifs which recount the “spiritual warfare” experienced by the founders of monasteries in the 14th–15th centuries. The spiritual struggle was waged in the period between the settlement of a hermit in a chosen wilderness desert place and the creation of a monastery. It was at this time that the site of the future monastery underwent the process of sacralization, i.e., the transformation of an unclean, “alien” place into a holy one. A large number of the lives of saints, reporting the practice of the sacralization of space, include episodes of the fight against demons. The analysis of these hagiographic motifs suggests that, in the view of many hagiographers, the theme of resisting demons was an integral part of a clearly defined and simultaneously original system of describing the spiritual assimilation of the site where the monastery was to appear. According to the hagiographers, the saints retired to remote, deserted places, inhabited by demons. The beginning of the sacralization of these places (the erection of the cross, the chapel, the exploits of prayer and abstinence) is perceived in the lives of saints as a strong blow to the demons. In their turn, the demons tried to frighten the hermits and drive them away from their chosen place in the most cunning ways. To enhance the realism of demonic delusions, hagiographers described their appearance in human or bestial form. Some texts reported how the devil sent robbers, pagans or local residents in order to harm or even kill the saints. These descriptions represent a separate kind of “spiritual warfare” motif, in which fear of spiritual danger is complemented by threats of physical assault. In each case, the hermit had to resist the attacks and stay in the chosen place until the complete victory over the demons. Corresponding hagiographic episodes are accompanied with a description of the practices adopted by hermits to struggle with delusions. According to hagiographers, the monks used such remedies as the Jesus Prayer and the sign of the cross, as well as prayers built from psalm verses and New Testament quotations. According to the vitae, the appearance of a monastery on the site of the deeds of the monk became possible only aft er his victory over demons, which often marked the transition to the final stage of the process of sacralization of space.

The analysis of acquisition policy of Pavel Mikhailovich Tretyakov (1832–1898), one of the leading Moscow collectors of the 19th century, who considerably influenced collecting in Russia, breaks his stereotype image in the art history literature and memoirs. Tretyakov has been regarded more as law-abiding and conservative in his views rather than independent. In addition, most Soviet art historians believed that the Moscow merchant and collector had outstanding advisers, artists of democratic views, without whom he purchased no work. The cases of acquisition of several works, the main masterpieces of the Tretyakov Gallery, are indicative in some ways. They reveal the difficult artistic atmosphere, in which the collector found himself, his difficult thoughts and, finally, the independence of his decision; sometimes new interpretations of the art works are required. Tretyakov faced difficult choices, being always conscious of the ambiguity of some works and troubles which could be brought by their acquisition for him and later for the gallery. Pavel Mikhailovich’s choice of paintings by his contemporaries highlights several aspects of his image as a collector: whether the works in question were purchased before, during or after the exhibition; whether the opinions of critics, connoisseurs and correspondents were voiced at the time of or after purchase; whether it was a unilateral choice, without regard for the opinion of the majority; how his purchase was regarded by his close friends and associates; how Tretyakov dealt with accusations of incorrect selection for his gallery of Russian paintings; and other aspects. While examining acquisitions of Russian art works by Tretyakov, who often ignored advice of his correspondents and associates and opinions of critics, the author accentuates Tretyakov’s profile as a collector.

Knives are one of the most widespread and massive categories of finds at medieval archaeological sites. Therefore they can serve for the study of ancient production techniques, but also for solving various general historical questions. This article deals with the works of Russian and foreign archaeologists, who studied knives from both typological and technological points of view. Although the main emphasis was placed on the history of the study of the collection of ca. 1000 knives and their fragments originating from the territory of the Gnezdovo archaeological complex, external studies is also involved in the research. The publications, which touch upon medieval knives and their production technology on the basis of the analysis of metal structure, are immense. This article includes a review of the earliest publications dealing with knives from Gnezdovo excavations and their evaluation in subsequent historiography, as well as the main classifications of knives introduced by B.A. Kolchin, A.E. Leontiev and R.S. Minasyan, the results of the application of these classifications to the Gnezdovо collection and metallographic analysis of knives. Additionally, the author employs some key studies of numerous analogies of Gnezdovo’s knives in Northern Europe, England and the area of Saltovo-Mayaki culture. For the first time he examines all the works concerning the Gnezdovo’s richest collection of knives and the evolution of the use of these data as a historical source and compiles a list of references to be useful not only to those who are interested in the particular archaeological site, but also to those who want to know about Gnezdovo’s knives in a broader context.

The formation and development of V.I. Bovykin’s academic school is linked to the Faculty of History of Lomonosov Moscow State University. The school, which has existed for several decades and brought together several generations of historians, continues to develop in the twenty-first century. This article attempts at outlining V.I. Bovykin’s development as a researcher, the main trends of his scholarly interests, and the constant expansion and enrichment of the range of his research. The author examines the extant archives of the scholar and recollections of his students and colleagues. The works by V.I. Bovykin’s disciples are varied in their subject matter. Not all of his followers work in the economic history paradigm, but the core of the school consists of studies devoted to this very topic. V.I. Bovykin was formed as a specialist in the history of Russia at the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries, and the research of his school was initially focused on the Russian history of that period. But his followers, who developed the traditions of economic history, went beyond these chronological boundaries and nowadays deal with the economic history of the twentieth century. In the new economic realities of the 1990s, the historian himself adopted a new, “modern” perspective on many issues of the economic history of the turn of the 19th–20th centuries. The main features of V.I. Bovykin’s scientific school were defined by his own creative interest in historiography and source studies. However, these components of historical science have become a means of penetrating deeply into the economic history of Russia in modern and contemporary periods. An important feature of V.I. Bovykin’s school was the humanitarian dimension of economic history research. Significant contribution was made by V.I. Bovykin’s followers and pupils in exploring the personal factor in economic history. The school is renowned for the work of Bovykin’s disciples who have mastered the biographical and genealogical methods. The efforts of V.I. Bovykin’s followers were instrumental in creating a collective portrait of the national entrepreneurs. Several generations of the scholar’s followers have developed an unwavering interest in economic history and its humanitarian phenomena. Conferences dedicated to the memory of V.I. Bovykin are held regularly.

The activity of the Soviet military mission in the US during the initial period of the Great Patriotic War becomes for the first time a subject of research both in domestic and foreign historiography. Having studied Russian and American archival materials, as well as American media publications, the author draws conclusions about the first results of the negotiations between high-ranking Soviet military officials and US political leaders. Although the scale of US aid to the Soviet Union from July 1941 to February 1942 was limited, and US supplies to the USSR at the beginning of WWII were mostly allocated through direct weapons procurement by providing loans to the Soviet Union rather than through the Lend-Lease program, it was then that the foundations were laid for an alliance between the USSR and the USA, the basic parameters of US economic aid were defined and the logistics of shipping cargo to the Soviet Union were established. The most important task of the Soviet military mission to the US was to convince American leaders that the Soviet military situation was not catastrophic and that the Red Army was combat-ready. The materials of the American periodicals provide important information about the struggle, which was taking place in summer 1941 both in the mass media and in the US political and military circles regarding rendering assistance to the USSR and shaping new image of the Soviet state — an ally in the joint fight, instead of an ideological opponent. The special attention in the article is given to the visit of A.K. Repin, the head of Soviet military mission in the USA, in February 1942, character of negotiations with the US president and decisions which have promoted realization of the Lend-Lease program for the Soviet Union.

Mass immigration to the United States from the Russian Empire began in the last decades of the 19th century. The statistical data of both states reflect the rapid increase in the flow of departing/arriving overseas on the eve of the First World War. The shift in the composition of immigrants toward the predominance of incomers from Eastern Europe, mostly Jews, was characterized by contemporaries as a “new” immigration to America, whose specificity was determined by “cultural” isolation, traditionalism, and religious orthodoxy. The problems caused by the “new” immigration were topical and acute in both Russian and American societies. In Russia, mass economic (labour) emigration to America was largely provoked by national and religious conflicts. This issue was raised on the pages of the Russian press and in separate publications, and the discussion was initiated by departmental officials who made use of statistical data and produced recommendations for resolving the situation. In the United States, the increased influx of immigrants led to the changes in legislation and immigration policy, which meant the introduction of restrictive measures, and also led to the growing influence of the nativist movement, and the creation of the special Dillingham Commission to study all aspects related to immigration. This article analyzes the US immigration policy, in particular, the restrictionist legislation. The US intellectual elite got involved in the discussion of the “new” immigration problem and shared their vision of the problem through the press. The Russian and American historiography has not paid due attention to the New England press. Meanwhile, the New England press showed a steady interest in the problem of “new” immigration from Russia, namely, its significant Jewish component. The columnists noted the trends in the labour market, the difficulties related to the adaptation of the settlers, and their perception by the New Englanders. The wave of “new” immigration from the Russian Empire, which had marked features, influenced the socio-economic and socio-political processes in the United States in the late 19th and early 20th centuries.

The activities of the first palace commandant (head of the royal guards) P.P. Hesse and his role in the entourage of Nicholas II still continues to be a historiographic gap. The study of this issue will facilitate the solution of the question as to how independent the state course of the last tsar was in the initial period of his reign. In 1884, P.P. Hesse was appointed commander of the Consolidated Guards Battalion, which protected the royal residence. Impeccable reputation, bravery, as well as the acquaintance with the heir to the throne, Nikolai Aleksandrovich, were the reasons for the appointment of the general in 1896 to the post of the palace commandant, although contemporaries were inclined to ascribe this promotion to the influence of the Dowager Empress Maria Feodorovna, as well as to an advantageous marriage of the general. P.P. Hesse took part in the process of appointing the following Ministers of the Interior: I.L. Goremykin, D.S. Sipyagin, V.K. Plehve and P.D. Svyatopolk-Mirsky. However, the general’s efforts to promote his own candidates to a prominent position were futile. P.P. Hesse was also involved in deciding foreign policy issues. In the western direction (France), the general was kept informed by P.I. Rachkovsky, head of the Police Department of foreign agents. Nominally, Hesse was a member of A.M. Bezobrazov Far East clique. However, the measures he took were directed against the aggressive policy of Russia in the Far East. On the eve of the first Russian revolution, in December 1904, the palace commandant advocated liberal political reforms, in particular, the appointment of public representatives to the State Council, which, nonetheless, was rejected by the tsar. After the events of January 9, 1905 and the assassination of Grand Duke Sergei Aleksandrovich in February 1905, the general changed his attitude about the necessity of reforms and began to speak from a moderately liberal position. The study of the biography of the courtier allows us to conclude that at the turn of the nineteenth-twentieth centuries attempts by the entourage of the tsar to influence his decisions most often failed.

The article examines the process of discussion and adoption of the provisional regulations of 23 March 1863 for people’s schools in the provinces of Vilna, Grodno, Kovno, Minsk, Vitebsk and Mogilev by the Western Committee in 1862–1864 and the role of the Chief Procurator of the Holy Synod A.P. Akhmatov in their adjustment. They allowed the use of “local languages” in teaching the Law of God to the Catholic Belarusians and Lithuanians as it had been suggested by the Trustee of the Vilna educational district, Prince A.P. Shirinskii-Shikhmatov and the governor-general of Vilna V.I. Nazimov, who did not give up the idea to combine “vernacular languages” with Russian in the elementary education even after the Polish revolt of 1863–1864. M.N. Muraviov, who succeeded V.I. Nazimov as the chief official of the Northwest region, sought to avoid radical approaches in the confessional sphere and preferred not to force the “withdrawal” of the Polish language from the teaching of the Catholic Law of God and introduction of the Russian (or Belarusian) language instead. However, the decisive factor that determined the practice of applying the temporary regulations of 23 March 1863 in 1863–1865 was a supplement to them, which was published in the journal of the Western Committee but was not inserted in the Complete Collection of the Laws of the Russian Empire. It was added at the initiative of A.P. Akhmatov and stipulated that the publication of any literature for the people in a “local language” relating to the Catholic religious education should be postponed pending discussion and final decision by the Holy Synod. Until 1865 when K.P. von Kaufmann was appointed the governor-general of Vilna, the unpublished supplement to the provisional rules was used by the Ministry of Public Instruction as the main argument against the introduction of the Russian language in the religious education of Catholic Belarusians in the Northwest region. In 1864 a similar initiative by the trustee of the Saint Petersburg educational district I.D. Delyanov in respect of Vitebsk and Mogilev provinces was rejected precisely on these grounds.

This paper examines the projects of administrative reforms, which were submitted to the emperor and his entourage in 1856–1860 and mainly preserved in the funds of the State Archive of the Russian Federation. Their authors strived to persuade the authorities to launch full-fledged reforms of the administrative system. However, unlike the followers of the ideas of decentralization and self-government fashionable at that time and presented, in particular, in A. de Tocqueville’s notorious book The Ancien Régime and the French Revolution, they insisted that it is necessary to restore centralization in full. These ideas, which may be called traditionalist, implied, first of all, the emperor’s effective control over all branches of administration. To this end, it was first of all necessary to relieve the sovereign of a host of routine matters; to put an end to the uncontrolled status of ministers by establishing a collective body answerable to the monarch; to implement a kind of provincial “power vertical” by restoring the institution of governor-generalship and extending it to the whole country; and finally, to enhance the prestige of the Tsar’s local representatives (governors) through broadening their competence and making the sovereign more accessible to them. The emperor favourably reacted to the ideas of a council of ministers, governor-generalships and expansion of the powers of local authorities. The Council of Ministers was created, but it never became an exact analogue of the European governments, and remained a specific body which duplicated the Committee of Ministers. As for the idea of governor-generalships on the entire territory of Russia, it remained only on paper. Stormy public debates about decentralization had also no effect on the drafting of reforms: the results of the work of the so-called Milyutin Commission, which prepared a provincial reform based on the idea of decentralizing local government, were shelved. In this sense, the pre-reform period can be called a time of “administrative inaction”.

This article attempts to analyse the relations between Aleksandr Turgenev, a statesman, public figure, archaeographer and writer, and the Elagin– Kireevsky family. A.I. Turgenev’s personality and life still remain little-studied. In the works of philologists, he is usually represented as a “secondary figure”, “in the shadow” of the other outstanding persons of Pushkin’s epoch who shaped its cultural atmosphere. Historians (with the exception of I.V. Kantorovich) have not dealt specifically with A.I. Turgenev. It appears that due to the limited scope of this article the study of some material on the relations between A.I. Turgenev and the Elagin–Kireevsky family will let us gain a better insight into one of the aspects of Turgenev’s place in the cultural and social life of Moscow in the 1830–1840s. Furthermore, this article clarifies dates of some events in Turgenev’s biography (e.g., his meeting with I.V. Kireevsky). It is shown from both published and archival sources (some of which are being researched for the first time) that A.I. Turgenev frequently visited A.P. Elagina’s salon and gatherings at the Kireevskys’. He not only took part here in the heated debates on contemporary literature and philosophy, but also acted as an educator: Turgenev introduced the frequenters of the Moscow “open houses” to the intellectual innovations of Western Europe, shared his family memories, and told “historical anecdotes”. Due to V.A. Zhukovsky, A.I. Turgenev was actively involved in the publication of I.V. Kireevsky’s journal Evropeets, and strove to support it. Besides, tolerance towards ideological opponents and broad-mindedness, typical of both the Westernizer A.I. Turgenev and the Slavophile I.V. Kireevsky, led to the publication of Turgenev’s last Chronicle of a Russian in Paris in Moskvityanin in early 1845.

The author deals with the problem of reconstruction of English penal practice in the 18th century and applies the interdisciplinary approach and the principles of narrative jurisprudence. Legal historians, who long ago described the criminal law system of the 18th-century England within the framework of the political-legal approach, set the paradigm for generations of scholars for more than a hundred years. The exclusion of the historical context from the study led to a simplification of the legal discourse of the period in question. Narrative jurisprudence, a relatively new trend in the philosophy of law, is a special way of thinking about law, based on the fact that it is constructed from stories presented in a public form. Its methodology makes it possible to examine the problem from the perspective of the various actors in the discourse on countering criminal activity and to link together the legal communicative practices of the period. The author chooses the handbook titled The Country Justice: Containing the Practice, Duty and Power of the Justices of the Peace, As Well In As Out of Their Sessions by Michael Dalton, a judge from Cambridge, as an authentic source, which was popular in professional circles. Dalton introduced an alphabetical ordering of court precedents on matters within the jurisdiction of justices of the peace, i.e. roads, fines, taxes, arms, rebellion and robbery, etc. This arrangement differs from the later descriptions of the English legal system compiled by W. Blackstone and J.F. Stephen. The representation of the historical and cultural context, in which the Bloody Code “matured” and the legal thesaurus developed, is based on a unique alphabetical guide to the criminal biographies of the prisoners of the famous London prison, the Newgate Calendar. The author of this article examines such a felony as “burglary” by comparing its treatment in the relevant chapters of The Country Justice and the Newgate Calendar, which details the circumstances of the relevant crime and a particular individual’s trial.

The article is written in response to the recent publication in the “Vestnik Moskovskogo universiteta. Series 8. Istoriya” by A.L. Rastorguev, specialist in medieval art, about Roland Recht’s Lecroire et le voir. L’art des cathédrales. XIIe–XVe siècle and its Russian translation. His “reflections” are the most detailed and scrupulous review of Recht’s book since its publication in 1999. Rastorguev severely criticizes both the book and its Russian translation. He touches upon a whole range of issues in the history of medieval art, including theoretical ones. Since this review, even if belated, questions the scientific character of the book, and at the same time the competence of its author and translator, the latter found it necessary to respond to most of the comments made in the review. Many of them are quite justified. The translation really has inaccuracies, some words are missing in it, and the reviewer carefully collated it with the original text. However, a good part of the remarks is the subject of academic debates and some of them are based on the reviewer’s preferences and taste. They cannot be regarded as the final truth and, therefore, may not serve as an argument for total condemnation of the book and its translation. The reviewer, who himself makes regrettable mistakes, does not offer any positive program, and some of his critical remarks concerning the book and its translation are completely groundless. A whole series of doubts raised by A.L. Rastorguev is related to pain points of art history, and this is precisely what makes Recht’s book an event. The polemic surrounding it speaks for itself. This response offers both an apology of the French book and an attempt at rehabilitating its Russian translation.

Michelangelo di Pietro Membrini (1460–1525) was a painter of the late Quattrocento, who collaborated with Bernardino Pinturicchio in Rome in the 1480s, and worked in Lucca at the turn of the 15th–16th centuries, when he became one of the most prominent figures of the local school of painting. During this period, the Lucchese painting was strongly infl uenced by the Florentine art of the 1470s–1480s: the compositional schemes of Verrocchio and Lorenzo di Credi, the balanced and elegant style of Ghirlandaio, the lyrical manner of the young Filippino Lippi. Lucca appears to demonstrate an amazing mixture of styles of various Florentine artists who left their works to the city. In terms of style, Michelangelo di Pietro is no exception, albeit he is distinguished by a specific interest in the decorative language in the antique taste and which was mastered by him in Rome, while he worked in the workshop of Bernardino Pinturicchio. The antique motifs extensively used by Michelangelo di Pietro in his mature religious paintings amount to a rather “standard” set of elements characteristic of eclectic masters and have a predominantly decorative rather than semantic function: these are architectural elements ornamented in a classical manner, music stands, candelabra and images of fantastic creatures. However, the iconography and phantasmagoric interpretation of these motifs, as well as the variety of their sources indicate that he was a fully-fledged artist in the adaptation of the classical heritage, which he could study in the originals during his sojourn in Rome. Despite the great similarity in the interpretation of the form, it is by no means determined by the influence of the artists who worked in Lucca, the acknowledged masters of all’antica decoration Amico Aspertini and Filippino Lippi. They are more similar to Michelangelo di Pietro in their interest in the Dutch artistic tradition. Neither can it be reduced to the infl uence of the leader of the Lucchese school of painting, Matteo Civitali, who was an ardent classicalist. It rather betrays a fondness for some of the artistic solutions which Michelangelo di Pietro borrowed in his Roman years from the monumental painting of Pinturicchio.

Jules Michelet, whose texts are distinguished by a pronounced authorialism, determined many key milestones in the scientific biography of Roland Barthes, who declared “the death of the author” as a scholarly concept. The analysis of Barthes’s texts gives grounds to find traces of the author’s presence, though in a completely different way than in Michelet’s works. These similarities and diff erences between the French semiotician and the French historian become more evident if we imagine that Barthes made the full circle in his perception of the stylistics of Michelet’s historical works. At the beginning of his career, Barthes enthusiastically welcomed Michelet’s clearly expressed and even deliberately demonstrative authorial position. He saw Michelet not as an academic scholar, but as an author of a passionate and psychologically intense narrative. In Barthes’s thought, this was the manner best suited to the description of the past. The high degree of emotionality and extreme subjectivity of evaluations formed a rich set of interpretations. Barthes regarded this methodology as the most fundamental approach to the historical material. The next step in his perception of Michelet was done after the emergence of the concept of “the death of the author”. He saw Michelet’s views and style as archaic, outmoded and inadequate to the modern discourse. However, this unexpectedly harsh attitude to his former idol is not as straightforward and unequivocal for Barthes as it might seem at first glance. By stating Michelet’s irrelevance, Barthes simultaneously rediscovers him for the era of new humanities knowledge, which is proclaimed within the framework of the structuralist approach in the West. Barthes regards Michelet’s authorialism as one of the possible signifiers interpreting history as a signified. In this case, the richness of historical facts creates virtually limitless space for unlimited semiosis, which was in line with Barthes’s semiology.

The article examines the influence of the Cold War on the general dynamics of the international relations in the second half of the20th and early 21st centuries. It focuses on the reasons of the stability of this form of the conflict interaction between the US and USSR/Russia. Although the historiography extensively deals with the Cold War, the authors emphasizes that a number of issues concerning its fundamental characteristics remain insuffi ciently elucidated. Among them are the criteria for classifying any conflict or event as a manifestation of the Cold War. The article indicates the ways to find answers to some important questions concerning the Cold War, reviews its wide-spread historiographic concepts, and analyzes in its context such fundamental concepts of international relations as “sovereignty” and “security”. The authors offer the reasons for the continuation of the Cold War after the collapse of the USSR and the end of the bloc confrontation. Special attention is paid to the different phases of the Cold War, its transformations and the reasons that led to them. The research also answers the question of what factors influenced the intensity of the Cold War, intensified its heat and at the same time prevented its escalation into a full-scale “hot war” by a wide range of weapons of mass destruction. The authors express their point of view on whether the Cold War should be considered as a dangerous anomaly that threatens the development of the world community, or on the contrary, this global confrontation allowed to transform the conflict tensions between the world’s largest military powers into a relative strategic stability. The article highlights the issues in the history of the Cold War that require further study or conceptual clarifi cation. Particular attention is paid to the currently widespread approach of considering the most signifi cant confrontations of the late 20th and early 21st centuries in terms of the Cold War.

The Second World War was a multidimensional, complex conflict covering several large-scale and narrow armed conflicts which intertwined, interacted and influenced one another. Some of them had already been existent, starting before 1939; some were interstate conflicts that had not previously moved into the phase of armed confrontation, some did not emerge or become the pivot for the system of international relations until September 1939. In connection with this intertwining of conflicts it would appear necessary to clarify the question of the causes of the Second World War. In order to put forward a scientific hypothesis about the causal relationship between the structural specifi city of the system and the conditions for the start of the war, we should discuss, first of all, whether the system had a functional core (ensuring its stability) and what was its state in on the eve of the war. Another set of problems is related to the political poles (centers where power concentrated and the military-political decisions were made) in the system, as well as to the process of polarization (increasing confrontation of interests) of these centers. The proposed concept of the origin of the Second World War and the conditions for its outbreak is based on the thesis that the systemic state that emerged in the period between the two world wars was not multipolar. Polarization (as a process of a sharp divergence of interests within a group of the major powers) led to the emergence of bipolarity as a new macrostructural principle of system organization. At some stage the state of affairs was complemented by the change of the leading power at global level. The state of the system of international relations in 1939 acquired a fundamentally new macrostructural quality — incomplete (or cluster) bipolarity. This feature arose because the process of forming confl icting military-political alliances was far from being completed. Thus, the central complex of theoretical problems posed in the article will involve an assessment of the role that the accumulation of power and the struggle for leadership in this area played in shaping the conditions for the outbreak of World War II.

For the first time in Russian historiography the article uses documents from Lord Beaverbrook’s fund under the title “Moscow Narrative” from the parliamentary archives of Great Britain to demonstrate the activities of Lord Beaverbrook, the head of the British mission at the Moscow supply conference (1941). Lord Beaverbrook was Prime Minister, Winston Churchill’s confidant and was given extensive authority by the British government to propose, negotiate and sign a protocol on the British aid to the USSR. In domestic and even foreign historiography, this topic is relatively little studied, although in the framework of the formation of the anti-Hitler coalition the significance of the Moscow supply conference is extremely considerable. During the conference, the allies made all possible efforts to meet the requirements of the USSR. Of fundamental importance was the statement of Lord Beaverbrook that Britain was ready to forego the portion of American aid equivalent to the one required by Russia. Lord Beaverbrook’s notes show his impressions of Stalin and the changes in the atmosphere of the meetings of the allies, which is not recorded in the offi cial protocol of the Soviet side. According to Beaverbrook, when the British and Americans presented to Stalin a list of possible supplies, they adopted the tactic of a “cumulative effect”, that is, they often made concessions, agreeing to supply certain goods, then included the lists of goods that could not be “conceded” and eventually provided a long list of materials they agreed to supply. As a result, they accomplished their task. The negotiations resulted in satisfaction on the Soviet side, and in an atmosphere, which Lord Beaverbrook called “sun after rain”. During the meetings, a confidential personal contact was established between the allies. Head of the American delegation W.A. Harriman praised Lord Beaverbrook’s work. As a result of the negotiations, the Moscow Protocol was signed, which launched the Lend-Lease Program for the USSR. In the first year of the war, Great Britain handed over to the USSR almost everything that the Americans supplied to it under Lend-Lease, and did its best to fulfi ll its obligations on deliveries to the USSR.

The sharpened attention of Russian society to the World War that broke out in 1914 prompted teachers, scholars and public figures to organize lectures and to explain the causes and nature of the war, its course and consequences. Educational and public organisations, self-government bodies, primarily the Moscow Society of People’s Universities, district and city authorities, were particularly active. When the war began, the procedure of coordinating lectures did not radically change, since the Moscow province was not subject to full military censorship. Nevertheless, the provincial and city governors had the authority to prohibit any lecture, and the wartime circumstances provided a good excuse for it. In the second half of 1914, all lectures of Moscow Society of People’s Universities about the war were banned without explanation. From 1915 onwards, the government’s approach became more flexible: against the background of the protracted war, pro-war propaganda had to be intensified, and lectures could be useful in this regard. In addition, during the first year of the war many lecturers had managed to “prove themselves” by staying within the boundaries of a stipulated program and not touching upon issues of domestic politics. Finally, lectures were oft en permitted, because they were part of charity events. However, the practice of bans and suspicion of the authorities towards civic organisations and public figures continued amidst the loosening of certain restraints. When deciding on public lectures on military subjects, the Moscow authorities took into account the weighty opinion of the military censorship. The approval process could be protracted and end with a controversial decision. Quite often a lecture that was allowed in one place was banned in another. On the whole, the number of lectures and public readings about the war did not match the demands of the population, and the empty information space was filled with negative rumours, which became one of the most important factors in the 1917 revolution.

About two months after the death of Alexander III the first posthumous biography of the Russian emperor was published, first in New York and then in London. Its author was the British journalist Charles Lowe. He did not know the Russian language and was not deeply informed about Russian domestic and foreign policy. This raises the question of the sources used by Lowе. Finding an answer to this question is complicated by the fact that this biography was not an academic study, but a historical and journalistic essay about the recently deceased monarch, so it was extremely incomplete in citing its sources. Hence, the analysis of the range of the biographer’s sources makes it possible to answer the question of which and whose perceptions infl uenced the formation of the commemoration practices of the era and the image of Alexander III in European public opinion. The sources of Lowe’s book are classified in the article into four groups: monographic studies, articles from periodicals, newspaper material, and quotations, which are subdivided into statements made without reference to sources and fragments of official documents (either public or not). After this initial classification, the author examines the distribution of sources according to the specific issues of Lowe’s interest to the biography and personality of Alexander III. Since such issues vary in their impact on the Lowe’s paradigm of commemoration, it is possible to trace the correlation between the tendentiousness of any source and the extent to which it is engaged by the biographer. The author concludes that Alexander III’s biography by Lowe was most infl uenced by the observations and judgements of the Irish writer and journalist Emile Dillon, who wrote about Russia under the pseudonym E.B. Lanin.

The article examines the history of the compilation and special features of the Indian section of the unique collection of clippings compiled by M.D. Khmyrov from domestic and foreign periodicals. Particular attention is paid to the Sepoy Rebellion of 1857–1859, which was widely covered in the domestic press, but had little coverage in the Khmyrov collection. The disproportion is explained by the bibliographer’s greater attention to the events of domestic, rather than foreign history, the biased choice of the press which replenished the collection (its creator preferred rare editions to mass “gazettes”), as well as Khmyrov’s efforts to systematize the entire available array of clippings, rather than accumulate clippings on individual issues. Thus, the collection lacks short articles on India, which are representative of the publications about this region in the press of the mid-19th century. The entire body of materials, including clippings on the East, was supposed to become the basis for the Encyclopedia of the Russian Homeland Studies, which was a grandiose but unfulfi lled project aiming to compile a collection of all kinds of materials related to the history of Russia and its periodicals. Considering the scale of Khmyrov’s plan, collecting short publications was technically impossible, and his collection has practically no information about the military side of the Sepoy Rebellion, as the reports were published in the press in 1857–1859 very often, but in the form of short articles. In addition, the article explores the reports about India stored in the “England” section, as well as the messages not related to Indian topics, but placed by the compiler in the Indian section. On the basis of these materials, the author argues that Khmyrov collected clippings on India mechanically. At the same time, there was a tendency to separate reports on India from reports on Great Britain, although, in the years when the collection was created, domestic and foreign periodicals adopted a completely diff erent approach. News about the major British colony was most oft en published alongside news from the British Isles.

The Tale of the appearance of the Icon of Our Lady of Korsun’ in Yur’yevets Povol’sky is an Early Modern historical and literary monument that has been overlooked in the bibliography. We have found its only manuscript in a Moscow bibliophile collection. It is of great value, largely due to the proximity of the date of its compilation, the late 17th century, to the miraculous events described in it. The Tale of the Appearance of the Korsun’ Icon contributes to the history of the revered objects in Yur’yevets, which became famous in the 17th century. Yur’yevets is a key place on the map of history and literature and is connected to the names of Simon of Yur’yevets, protopope Avvakum and icon painter Kirill Ulanov. The Tale is typologically similar to some other works of the 17th century, and each of them is unique in its own way and closely linked to local hierotopies and histories. The memory of the Yur’yevets icon has been lost and only left a trace in the manuscript in question. The 17th-century wooden church, where the miraculous appearance of the Korsun’ Icon took place in 1695, has not been preserved, but the 19th-century Orthodox church with the same dedication stands on its place. All this allows for a more tangible representation of what is described in the Tale. Yur’yevets is also unique due to the presence here of another especially revered icon of the Mother of God, a replica of a wonderworking Jerusalem icon by Kirill Ulanov, who lived in the neighbouring Krivoyezerskaya desert. Yur’yevets is nowadays devoid of almost all its sacral objects, and the manuscript of the Tale helps to shed light on one of them. The anonymity of this text gives a perspective for further research.

I.V. Kliun (1873–1943), one of the luminaries of the Russian avantgarde, took several decades to study the theory of color and the possibilities of working with color in practice. He considered color to be a key “element” of painting, which distinguishes it from other forms of art. At the same time, the artist was interested in the ways color interacts with other “elements” of painting — light, shape, texture, etc. The most fruitful result of this work is presumably a group of works that were created by Kliun in the first half of the 1920s on the principle of “light-color” and represented an original version of non-figurative art that stemmed from Suprematism. This part of the artist’s legacy has not yet attracted special attention of researchers. The article traces the prerequisites for Kliun’s transition to work based on the principle of “light-color” and investigates how he pursued and theoretically substantiated the trend of the “dispersal” of color, which appeared among Russian non-figurative artists around 1917, though for various reasons most of them did not support its long-term development. An attempt is made to place the group of works based on the principle of “light-color” into the artistic context of the era and compare it with the works of K.S. Malevich, O.V. Rozanova, A.M. Rodchenko et al. Th e article investigates Kliun’s conceptual substantiation of the principle of “light-color” and its roots in the worldview of the artist infatuated with the idea of a universal rhythm, which determines, as he believed, how the entire Universe develops and becomes apparent in works of art. Kliun programmatically contrasted his compositions, where geometric forms are filled with dynamics and light, lack sharpness and seem to be “dispersed” in space, with the “frozen forms” of Malevich’s Suprematism, with whom he entered into the controversy. Works based on the principle of “light-color” are interpreted as a distinct form of geometric abstraction, created by Kliun to oppose not only Suprematism, but also the industrial art of the early 1920s.

The 1999 elections played an important role in the formation of Russia’s modern party political system. There is an opinion among scholars that two factions of Russian elite clashed in the elections. The first one represented federal power that was puzzled by the plan “Successor”, the other one represented the regional elite, whose members tried to challenge the Kremlin scenario. In line with the logic of party elections, each side formed its own electoral alliances. The pro-Kremlin bloc was represented by the inter-regional movement “Unity”, while the regional governors were represented by the coalition “Fatherland—All Russia”. In a tense contest, the Kremlin party managed to defeat the governors’ alliance, which initially had a much better chance of winning. Analysts explain this victory as being due to the impacts of information wars, the success of the counter-terrorist operation in Chechnya, and the personal popularity of the successor who openly supported the “Unity”. However, all these factors do not fully clarify how an electoral association registered only two months before the elections managed to achieve record results. This article attempts at analyzing the peculiarities of the electoral strategy of the “Kremlin party” during the first stage of the operation “Successor”. The research subject is the mechanism of crisis consolidation which was employed by the presidential power to promote its electoral interests under conditions of political stalemate. The formation of another “party of power” is examined in the context of Russian electoral politics in the late 1990s. This approach led to the conclusion that the key to the “Unity”’s success was the mixed electoral system that the president had fought so hard against after 1993. Fearing party elections, Kremlin spin doctors tried to steer the “Unity”’s election campaign away from purely party agenda towards a single member’s vote in a federal electoral district, where a single candidate with a high personal rating quietly ran for office. Having lost the campaign for abolition of the elections on party lists, the Kremlin managed to partially impose its scenario of “single mandate voting” in the federal constituency .

The present article investigates the major directions and priorities of Republic of Korea’s defense policy during the period of the Fourth–Fifth Republics under the Chun Doo-Hwan rule (1979–1987). An attempt is taken to outline both domestic and international context of defense policy-making in ROK, to reveal the basic instruments of defense policy implementation and to assess the changes brought by Chun Doo-Hwan’s administration. In his military-political course, Chun Doo-Hwan carried forward many of the initiatives of his predecessor Park Chun-Hee. However, he made significant adjustments that were of a more compromise nature. The major outcomes of Chun Doo-Hwan’s defense policy were the significant progress in military-technical development, the transition from isolated projects to mass production of South Korean made military equipment, reduced dependence on the US financial support, the introduction of a more efficient system of defense budgeting and planning, the transformation of relations with the US, the main military ally of ROK, as a result of which Seoul became an equal partner of Washington rather than a client state. Nevertheless, despite the lesser reliance on economic support, South Korea failed to achieve full political independence from the US, since Chun’s regime that came to power through a military coup, needed support of the ally to ensure its legitimation. In this regard, South Korea had to make some concessions to the US, inter alia dismantling its nuclear weapons program launched by the previous administration, temporarily suspending the ballistic missile program and disbanding a large part of the scientific staff involved in missile development, as well as voluntary agreeing to comply with restrictions on the ballistic missile development under the US–ROK 1979 bilateral treaty. The present study is based on such primary sources as ROK Defense White Paper (the major document of South Korean defense policy) and other official documents of ROK and the US.

The purpose of this article is to study the practice of planning and transformation of rural settlement in the Kuibyshev region in the 1970s and the first half of the 1980s. The main attention is paid to the resettlement of “unpromising” rural settlements, which was the basis of the resettlement policy in the studied period. The chronological framework of the study is determined by this circumstance, as well as by the fact that the main regulatory and design basis of this policy in the Kuibyshev region was developed only by the early 1970s, and by the mid-1980s the state refused to divide rural settlements into “promising” and “unpromising”. In addition, it was during these years that the resettlement policy in rural areas was particularly active in the Kuibyshev region in general and in the Stavropol district (which provides the material for this study of the practice of resettlement of “unpromising” rural settlements). The reorganization of the rural settlement network and its rationalization were intended to become a significant factor in both the qualitative improvement of rural living standards and the growth of agricultural production. The regions began to develop schemes of district planning with the classification of rural settlements as “promising” and “unpromising”. Since the early 1990s, the most common view in Russian historical science is that the assignment of tens of thousands of rural settlements to the category of “unpromising” eventually led to intensive migration of the population. At this point the question arises whether such a relationship was characteristic of the entire territory of Russia. This factor was indeed significant for the Non- Black-Soil region, where the state financed the resettlement policy. However, its purposeful implementation was not carried out in all regions of the RSFSR, as evidenced by the situation in the Middle Volga (present-day Samara) region. The results of the study allow us to some extent reconsider the approach to the elimination of “unpromising” villages in our country in the 1970s and the first half of the 1980s, which was adopted in historiography.

The article analyses the diplomatic ef orts of Republican Spain, which, under the auspices of the prominent public and political figure Fernando de los Rios (1879-1949), were aimed at obtaining American aid during the Civil War (1936-1939). The author explores every aspect of De los Rios’ activities as the ambassador of Republican Spain in Washington in 1936-1939: efforts aimed at lifting the US embargo on arms sales to Spain; raising the awareness of the US leadership and the American public about the Italian-German intervention; waging active campaign in support of Republican Spain through public lectures, speeches and cultural diplomacy in order to foster solidarity with the cause of the Republic in North American public opinion. As a rule, studying the Spanish Civil War and the position of the United States Russian historians pay more attention to the drafting of American legislation on neutrality. Less attention is paid to the analysis of the policy of Republican Spain towards the United States during this period. The present article is the first in Russian historiography to use documents from the personal archive of Ambassador Fernando de los Ríos, namely, the records of the Spanish Embassy in Washington in 1936-1939 (deposited in Madrid). Some of the results of the diplomacy of Republican Spain in the United States in these years can be assessed as positive, while the others were partially or completely unsuccessful. Fernando de los Ríos’ active campaign in support of the Republic greatly contributed to the shaping of Spain’s image as a victim of fascist aggression and made a certain contribution to the criticism of the policy of neutrality. However, despite all the efforts of the ambassador and the sympathy for the cause of the Republic shared by President Franklin Roosevelt and the American public, the embargo on the arms supplies to Spain remained in force until April 1, 1939, as the United States remained f rmly committed to neutrality.

The phenomenon of “Russian Strikebreaking”, which clearly manifested itself in the second half of the 1920s and 1930s, is an important component of Shanghai’s revolutionary history. Its beginnings date back to the time of 30 May 1925 Movement. After the beginning of the general strike of students, workers and merchants, White Russians found their “niche” in counter-revolutionary activities: they were recruited in the security forces of the International Settlement due to the efforts of former Consul General V.F. Grosse and the Committee for the Protection of the Rights and Interests of Russians. Those, who were mostly part of the “voluntary” army for the protection of the Settlement, were involved in guarding and patrolling. They were also employed in posting propaganda leaflets in the Chinese possessions of Shanghai in a guerrilla manner. The ordinary emigrants, who wanted to get food and a roof over their heads, forgot about solidarity with Chinese workers and took jobs offered by the local authorities in tobacco and shipping companies, China Import & Export Lumber Co., ports, post offices and other socially important enterprises and institutions. The situation at the power plant was a particularly striking example. White Russian workers who were given jobs at the power plant were an effective tool against the strike in the foreign hands. Eventually after the strike ended, Chinese workers were dismissed en masse from the Department of Electricity due to Russian strikebreakers. However, the employment of Russian workers was only a temporary means for the foreigners and the Municipality of International Settlement. Most of the workers who got jobs in private companies, ports and other places were sacked as soon as the strike ended. Russian workers remained in their jobs only at the power plant. The municipal government eventually kept Russians there in order to retain counter-revolutionary forces to fight strikes in the future.

The aim of the article is to study how the theoretical guidelines of the leaders of the Soviet medicine and physical culture movement in 1923– 1926, especially N.A. Semashko, were practiced among young people and how the Komsomol participated in this process. In that period the foundations of the organization of the mass physical culture and sports movement were laid under the guidance of medical workers, and the main emphasis was placed on improvement of the health of the population in general and the health of young people in particular through scientifi c research and medical control. The experience gained in those years formed the basis for the subsequent offi cial policy of promoting physical education and sport among the population. By trial and error, the basic principles of the organization of the physical culture movement in the country were worked out through introducing amateur physical culture circles in enterprises, institutions and schools. The Komsomol was supposed to be involved in order to ensure control over the movement and take a leading role in the clubs. A number of important questions were also raised and resolved during this period, such as the permissibility of competitions and sports in Soviet physical education, the shortage of qualifi ed personnel and relevant equipment. The joint eff orts of the All-Union Council on Physical Culture under the All-Union Central Executive Committee of the RSFSR and the Komsomol bore fruit by the end of the period indicated, when the number of participants in the physical culture movement signifi cantly increased. At this stage Soviet sport was not yet the sport of great achievements and world records, but over time a network of amateur physical education groups covering the whole country was established. It helped to identify talented athletes at a young age and to make physical education and sport a part of the Soviet way of life for everyone.

The process of settlement and economic development of the vast Far Eastern territories began after the annexation of the Amur region to Russia in the second half of the 19th century. Among the colonists were Old Believers from the central and Siberian provinces of the Russian Empire. Additionally, in 1908–1914, Russian Old Believers Lipovans from the Danube countries (Austro-Hungary, Rumania and Bulgaria) started to move to the Amur. In the second half of the 19th century, considerable privileges were introduced for peasants who moved to the Amur region. In the beginning of the 20th century, the economic development of the region evolved in accordance with the “Temporary rules for the formation of resettlement plots in the Amur and Primorskaya regions” approved on 22 June 1900. Each male member of a resettlement family, regardless of age, was entitled to 15 desyatinas of land from 1 January 1901. As a rule, in the new areas Old Believers settled in separate communities. Although they had diff erent trades agriculture was their main occupation. Trade was not well developed. Old Believers, who were isolated from major administrative centers and transportation routes, practiced mainly subsistence economy. Contrary to popular belief, the Amur peasants did not ignore using agricultural machinery. Bila Krynytsia Old Believers, who were conservative in the religious and household spheres, skillfully employed the best practices in their economy. The use of agricultural implements was not widespread among the new settlers not because of religious beliefs, but because of a lack of money to buy them. The religious communities of the Far Eastern Old Believers survived until the collectivization of agriculture in the region at the turn of the 1920s. This article examines the economic activity of Old Believers’ peasant communities and their effi ciency, the process of transformation of traditional economic practices under the Soviet power and in the circumstances of the development of the socialist economic model in Platovo and Rozhdestvenska villages. It also examines the passive resistance of Amur Old Believer peasants to collective-farm construction.

The subject of the research in the article is the image and socio-economic practices of a middle-income landowner of one of the provinces of European Russia and his attitude to the role of agriculture in the history of the country and the relationship between peasants and landowners. The article analyzes the civic position of a rationally thinking progressive landowner, his ideological attitudes and motives for streamlining economic activity on the eve of the abolition of serfdom and in the first post-reform decades. The article is based on materials from the family archive of the Smolensk landed gentry Neielovs, inter alia, documents penned by P.D. Neielov, owner of the Peski estate in the Gzhatsky district of the Smolensk province. The author demonstrates that the desire to improve the economic efficiency of estates was stimulated by the economic interests and civic responsibility of the nobleman who linked the prosperity of his estate and the future of Russia with the development of the agricultural sector. The treatment of the peasants by the landowner was rational, as they were both involved in the common economic activity. In the era of serfdom, the latter was based on domination and subordination, which did not rule out economic efficiency. After the abolition of serfdom, it was founded on economic responsibility while some elements of paternalism were retained. The basis for the prosperity of the estate in the feudal era was the rationally organized management of the peasants, combined with the application of the achievements in agriculture. In the post-reform period, the specialization of the economy and civil contracts with peasants came to the fore. From the Russian landowner’s viewpoint, the use of rational farming methods had universal relevance for substantiating his civic position during the times of serfdom and the emancipation of the serfs. The novelty of the research lies in the fact that the author focuses on the life of one person at a crucial time in the history of Russia while studying the problem of the civil responsibility of a noble man. Addressing the case of a landowner of the Smolensk province is based on the author’s conviction that there is great potential in regional and “anthropological” approaches and the genre of microhistory for the study of economic and social practices, as well as the problems of civic consciousness, rationalism and “moral” economy in the feudal and post-reform Russia.

The article examines Ovid’s evaluation of Augustus’ political regime on the basis of the analysis of his interpretation of libertas. The aim of the research is to determine the key meanings of this concept through a detailed examination of the context of its use and to reveal the peculiarities of its semantic relations with the terms “licentia”, “lex”, “ius”, “pudor” and “metus” or “timor”. In the Republic era lex and ius were considered to guarantee political libertas and to prevent it from degenerating into its extreme form, licentia. The latter was understood as one of the signs of a degrading political system and a prerequisite for the establishment of slavery and tyranny, the reign of fear, violence, depravity and injustice. These ideas were refl ected in the poetry of Virgil and Horace who saw Augustus as a protector against such disasters. Unfamiliar with the hardships of civil wars, their younger contemporary Ovid was a bearer of diff erent values, sharply antagonistic to republican morality and many elements of the official ideology of Augustus’ principate. The concept of liberty he had implicitly formulated had a very defi nite political content and oriented the young generation of Romans towards resistance to specific aspects of the system of principate. The study has shown that the term “libertas” in Ovid’s writings is semantically close to the concept of licentia. In most of the cases studied, however, this category has positive connotations and means the possibility of love passion unleashing and the right to express obscene thoughts in private life. As far as freedom is concerned, Ovid demonstrates his dissatisfaction with the strictly republican features of Augustus’ rule. Leges and iura of the principate regime, which embodied the strict moral imperatives of the Republic era, not only did not guarantee freedom, but by provoking shame (pudor) and fear (metus, timor) severely suppressed it. Thus, they prevented achieving the most important value for Ovid — personal happiness (felicitas).

The article examines R. Recht’s Le croire et le voir. L’art des cathé- drales (XIIe–XVe siècle) (1999), which has been recently translated into Russian. The author criticizes both the monograph and its translation and highlights the main weaknesses of Recht’s concept. He also discusses the controversy concerning this book in foreign historiography and raises some topical issues related to the latest research on Gothic art. Rastorguev considers dubious the idea of increasing visuality of the cathedral space, which is allegedly linked to the new rite of displaying the Host, because Recht ignores the late Romanesque architectural tradition. His “art of cathedrals” becomes a poorly credible artificial construct, in which scholarly fashion and somewhat hasty, superficial conclusions prevail over an actual analysis of architectural form. Perhaps that is why there are many mistakes in the specific description of the architectural monuments. This article draws on an extensive historiographical material, which confirms the dubiousness of Recht’s methods and conclusions. The reviewer’s special subject is the quality of the translation, which does not stand up to criticism with regard to terminology. While the architectural analysis requires impeccable accuracy of description (which the author himself lacks), the translator adds his own faults to the author’s errors. They can be checked against contemporary and older publications, as well as on the website mappinggothic.org containing invaluable visual resources. Furthermore, the illustrations in the Russian edition do not correspond to the original ones, and they are placed out of their proper position in the most important cases (for example, in the analysis of the cathedrals of Bourges and Chartres). To conclude, the question is raised as to what should be translated on Gothic architecture, if, of course, it is not translated in the way it is done in the book under review.

Ranged combat weapons (bows and arrows, darts) of the Western Balts have been largely overlooked by European archaeologists. The article examines the rarest finds in Prussian archaeology, arrowheads of the Viking age. This variety of archaeological finds in historical Prussia is quite different from the situation in Lithuania. While in Lithuania arrowheads are found mainly in fortified settlements and point at the enemy’s onslaughts, in Amberland they were found exclusively in burial sites. This is largely the result of poorly studied Prussian settlements due to objective reasons. Arrowheads have been found only occasionally in most of the funerary complexes referred to in the article, and the most probable reason for their presence in the burials is the death of the buried person. That is why they had not been removed during his/her life. The finds of arrowheads with thorns at the graveyard of the Kaup mountain area allows us to draw analogies to the similar arrowheads at the Kaukai fortified settlement of the Jatvians. This burial ground, containing the remains of West-Baltic merchants, craftsmen and commoners, who lived here in the 9th through 13th centuries, is related to the commercial settlement of the Viking Age at the planigraphic level. This settlement was an important link in the chain of trade centres of Baltic coast inhabitants and occupied an important position on the Neman amber route in the 11th and 12th centuries. We may suppose that Prussian and Couronian merchants clashed with local natives of the Upper Neman region, who used such arrowheads, judging by the finds from the Kaukai fortified settlement. Navigating the river Nemen was not always safe for these merchants. Lancet-shaped arrowheads from Kaup may be evidence of conflicts between local inhabitants and Scandinavians, who were competitors of Prussian merchants on the Baltic trade routes.

The article reveals the main stages in the biography of the famous Belarusian historian, chronicler of the Belarusian State University (BSU), organizer of the historical science and one of the heads of the BSU at the beginning of the 21st century, professor Alieh Antonavič Janoŭski. He contributed greatly not only to the Belarusian historical research and university studies, but also to the extension of cooperation between the BSU and Lomonosov Moscow State University (MSU). A.A. Janoŭski worked his way up from a laboratory assistant at the Department of the History of the USSR in the pre-Soviet period to the first BSU vice-rector. The article describes his activity as a Dean of the Faculty of History in a difficult time of changes in the educational process of the BSU. He contributed to the formation of Russian studies in Belarus, the elaboration of the educational concept of the study of Russian history in Belarusian universities, and the preparation of the teaching base. A.A. Janoŭski is one of the founders of the university studies in Belarusian universities, which is aimed at showing the multifaceted significance of universities in the life of modern society. The article shows his work on comprehension and substantiation of studying intellectual history and prosopography. This has led to launching the publication of the multivolume “Intellectual Elite of Belarus”. The article highlights the main directions of Janoŭski’s activity for realization of the joint programs of the BSU and the MSU. Additionally, it contains material on his family, hobbies and areas of his interest. The authors consider especially significant Janoŭski’s works on the BSU history, its first rector and other scholars, which record the glorious pages of the development of the BSU and the MSU. They believe that Janoŭski’s life path, his service to the motherland and science, will be of interest to the Russian reader.

The article is the first in the Russian-language literature to explore the influence of non-state actors of international relations, German think tanks, on the process of solving one of the EU fundamental problems — the migration crisis. A review of the activities of think tanks shows that it is one of the most important topics for them. The research has an interdisciplinary character: in addition to the study of source material, especially analytical reviews and statistical data, it applies Kingdon’s concept of multiple streams framework and a number of other political science methods. These tools are used to assess German think tanks’ recommendations for dealing with uncontrolled migrant streams in the wake of the Arab Spring in North Africa and the Middle East. The recommenda￾tions are assessed according to their impact on the decision-making process and the level of further implementation in German and EU actions. The authors concludes that although the proposals of the centres are of an advisory nature, they often serve the basis for changes in national policy and adoption of new documents. The authors trace a link between the “problem stream” and the “decision stream” (in Kingdon’s terminology). Thus, the ideas of the German think tanks became the basis for the new reform of the Common European Asylum System and the proposal to create transit centres in the EU and beyond. The EU–Turkey cooperation on combating irregular migration, which began in 2015, is also being developed with their active participation. Most think tanks recommended that the EU should not create new structures to regulate migration at the EU level, but rather act within the framework of existing mechanisms. The debate on the migration crisis is still ongoing in Europe, and German think tanks are actively involved in it.

The problem of children’s summer vacations became particularly acute in the USSR at the beginning of the 1960s, due to a number of reasons. A large number of children in the cities, an increase in juvenile crime etc. are some of the them. The 21st Congress of the CPSU in 1959 set the task of involving schoolchildren in production activities and, at the same time, it was the starting point for increasing the number of children’s camps. In 1960 afterschool care groups were set up to supervise children in school. In the summer, supervision was provided by camps, however their number was not enough to satisfy demand. Pioneer camps were predominantly built and maintained at the expense of large factories and trade unions. The Komsomol organisations played an active role in the functioning of the camps. They were engaged in the training of counselors, development of methodical instructions for extracurricular work. Creation of new camps became an additional line of work for them. The Komsomol budget in the 1960s and 1970s was very modest, as its source was mainly membership fees. This led to close cooperation between the Komsomol and house management, collective farms and schools. The Komsomol organisations promoted the creation of such camps, the maintenance of which did not require large financial investments. The author, relying upon a wide range of sources (documents of the Secretariat, the Bureau and the school departments of the Central Committee of the Komsomol, preserved in the fonds of the RGASPI), highlights a number of problems in this area in the 1960s and 1970s. The reports of Komsomol committees clearly show that they attempted various forms of summer recreation for children while searching for financial resources. In particular, the Central Committee of the Komsomol recommended that children should be involved in economic activities during the summer holidays. Thus, a characteristic feature of labour and rest, school, industrial, sports camps and camps for Komsomol activists established in the 1960s and 1970s was their tendency to be selfsufficient.

According to the widespread opinion in historiography, the political initiatives and ideas of the Communist Party of Germany (KPD) were imposed solely by the will of the Soviet leadership and the dogmas of MarxistLeninist theory. The objectives of the participation of the KPD leaders in the Spanish Civil War of 1936-1939 are described as the “Sovietization” of Spain and the search for “Trotskyists” hostile to the USSR. In this connection, the contribution of the German Communists to the antifascist Resistance is seriously underestimated, which is reflected in the researchers’ analyses of the plans for the future arrangement of Germany. When considering projects for the reorganization of postwar Germany in 1944-1945, scholars only consider the scenario of the 1917 Soviet Russia as a model for the reflections of the Communist leaders. However, perusal of archival sources suggests that the involvement of German Communists in the Spanish Civil War had a significant influence on these projects. This gave rise to the forms of Resistance which became even more relevant and advanced during the Second World War (e.g. visits by delegations of writers and politicians to prisonerofwar camps). The war showed that the theoretical concepts of the Communists underwent transformations driven by realities. It was an indication that the ideas of the KPD were similar to those of their nonCommunist contemporaries. Practices established in the Spanish Republic, which the KPD leaders did not recognize as socialist, helped to clarify the concept of a “democratic republic”, as used in the KPD’s addresses to their compatriots. Ideas borrowed by the Communists from their Spanish experience and incorporated into the projects for the future arrangement of Germany made it possible to approach problems from a national perspective. However, the Communists’ involvement in the Spanish Civil War did not bring practical success. Technical problems prevented proper propaganda dissemination from Spain, while the progress of the Fascists was a testimony to the invincibility of Hitler’s troops. Finally, the KPD members themselves, who worked clandestinely in Germany and doubted the correctness of the proposed tactics, contributed to the failure of the leaders.

The article examines the evolution of the image of K. Kalinoŭski and other figures of the 1863-1864 uprising in Soviet historiography, the main problems discussed in the works of historians, and evaluations of January Uprising’s leaders. Philologist and historian Vacłaŭ Łastoŭski was the first who presented K. Kalinoŭski as a figure of the Belarusian national movement in his article in 1916. This tradition was adopted by Soviet historiography through Usevalad Ignatoŭski, who created a nationallyoriented conception of Belarusian history in the 1920s. the At the end of the 1920s, Samuil Agurski argued that the 1863 uprising was rather a manifestation of Polish chauvinism. During the postwar years, the focus of the study of the uprising of 1863-1864 changed: instead of emphasizing the antiPolish features of the Lithuanian “Reds”, the Soviet scholars emphasized the RussianPolish revolutionary alliance against the autocracy and common approaches of Polish insurgents and Russian revolutionary democrats. Changes in the interpretation of Kalinoŭski’s image are examined through the works of V.N. Pertsev. By the beginning of the 1960s, Kalinoŭski was assigned to the group of 1863 heroes. Finally, this pantheon was formed by the 1963 jubilee year in the works by V.A. D’yakov, A.F. Smirnov, I.S. Miller and others. As early as in 1954, this pantheon included Z. Sierakowski, K. Kalinoŭski, Z. Padlewski, J. Dąbrowski, A. Potebnia, W. Wróblewski and R. Traugutt in his work “Heroes of 1863”. In the 1970s and 1980s, the Soviet historiography again loses interest in the study of the 1863 uprising, and the research on Kalinoŭski’s activity comes to the foreground within the strictly established ideological framework. However, the late 1980s laid the foundation for a new surge of interest in K. Kalinoŭski’s activity, which was caused by a change in the general political situation and the removal of a number of the clichés inherent in Soviet historiography.

After the restoration of diplomatic relations with Russia in 1731, Great Britain began to fight vigorously for the trading privileges lost under Peter the Great. The Russian government was interested in building a defensive alliance with the English during the RussoTurkish War (1735-1739). To achieve these aims, British and Russian diplomats engaged in a complex and lengthy negotiation process that culminated in a trade treaty in 1734 and a treaty of alliance in 1741. While the history of the trade treaty has been covered in considerable detail in historical literature, the treaty of alliance so far has been studied superficially. On the basis of the analysis of diplomatic correspondence of British Ambassador to Russia Edward Finch and Secretary of State Lord Harrington, the author for the first time examines the diplomatic “kitchen” of the preparation and conclusion of the treaty of alliance, as well as strategy and tactics of British diplomacy during the negotiations. The preparation to the conclusion of the treaty took place in the context of prolonged and bitter disputes between the parties. The Russian side showed equanimity, restraint and ability to manoeuvre in difficult situations, although individual statesmen (E.I. Biron) defended the interests of the British rather than their own country. British diplomacy went to considerable lengths to ensure that the treaty was concluded with maximum advantage to Great Britain. The long duration of the negotiations concerning the RussianBritish Defence Treaty ended in 1741, but its implementation was delayed by the coup d’état in Russia that brought Elizabeth Petrovna to power. Although the English king had ratified the treaty of alliance, Russia refused to do so, as Great Britain had failed to fulfill one of its main conditions: England did not send a squadron of ships into the Baltic when Russia entered into war with Sweden in 1742. Thus, the treaty, a stumbling block in the parties’ diplomatic duel, was not implemented in practice, but survived only on paper.

The idea that church reforms of Peter the Great had antiecclesiastical character originated with the Slavophiles in the course of their philosophical pursuit: the decline of the Christian Church after the French Revolution resulted from the aberrations of Western Christianity, but Russia could avoid this decline by purifying Orthodoxy from alien Western ideas uncritically absorbed during the Petrine reforms. However, the thesis that the Russian Church should be freed from the power of the secular state only took its final shape in postreform political journalism as an argument that allowed to counterpose the Orthodox Church against the Romanov autocratic monarchy. In the prerevolutionary years, the journalistic thesis of the antiecclesiastical focus of the Petrine reforms became the basis for a series of politicized academic works intended to substantiate the calls of opposition figures for radical changes in churchstate relations. These works applied ideas of Max Weber, who viewed secularization as a process of cultural transformation in the transition to modernity, to the history of the Russian Church, and argued that the Church in the 17th-18th centuries underwent secularization and secularism. The writers of the Russian diaspora made the thesis of the secularization of the Orthodox Church after the Petrine reforms one of the corner stones of their concept of the history of Russian Orthodoxy. The works of Fr. G. Florovsky, G.P. Fedotov and their students became a classic for Western historiography of Orthodoxy, established in the postwar period. Through the writings of scholars from the TartusMoscow and Leningrad schools, Soviet historians became acquainted with the ideas of the authors of the Russian diaspora. The abandoning of secularization theory and the emergence of new concepts of European religious history led to the fact that from the 1980s scholars began questioning the longheld view of the Russian Empire's Orthodox Church as a “servant of the state”. However, even in the early 21st century the most common interpretation of the Petrine Church reforms is still the one which stems from the works of prerevolutionary authors.

A poor fund of the surviving data on princely assemblies which had played an important role in political life in Russia since 11th century is well known and was scrupulously studied. The analysis of exact dates of their holding opens new possibilities in studying the Old Russian princely congresses. This approach is possible in the light of the practice widespread among the secular and clerical elite of Rus’ to combine the most important public ceremonies, including princely ones, with church celebrations of the weekly and annual cycle of services, and also to avoid them during certain periods and days of the church year. The sources of the pre­Mongolian time refer to 14 exact dates of princely gatherings in the second half of the 11th through the first third of the 13th century which allow us to reveal a connection of these events to the days of week, to the significant landmarks of the church calendar, and also to the name and funeral feasts of representatives of the ruling dynasty. The examination of the data, carried out in this article for the first time in historiography, allows us to speak of a stable tendency to appoint princely congresses on the eve and/or on the very day of one of the great feasts, an honoured church celebration on a smaller scale, a Sunday or one of the “princely” days listed above. In some cases, there is an overlap of these “calendar strategies”. This state of affairs suggests that an essential element of the ceremonial of the princely “snem” was the joint prayer of its participants during the solemn service, which not only spiritually consolidated the unity, but demonstrated it to the contemporaries. Perhaps it was during such a service that the mutual oath (the kissing of the cross) was taken if the princes reached any decisions, binding them to further joint action. The results of the study are interesting in terms of characterizing the ideological component of the princely culture of pre­Mongolian times and the temporal culture of Russia in the first centuries after its baptism.

The relief cycle, excavated in 1997 in the theatre at the ancient Macedonian city Philippi, was produced during the Roman reconstruction of the theatre between 150 and 170 CE. It is presented on eight pylons, and its plot is attributed to the Bacchae of Euripides. One of the fve surviving fgures is identifed as the Tracian king Lycurgus, who is represented as a hunter, and four others as maenads. Te analysis of the composition and the choice of characters allow us to make an assumption that this cycle stems from a diferent storyline, namely, Aeschylus’ “Tetralogy of Dionysus”. Te iconography of the maenad that is placed on the third pylon, runs counter to the interpretation of the myth of Lycurgus and Roman (and classical) depiction formula. Tis female image serves as a semantic center of the composition and becomes a key one in the reconstruction of the cycle’s plot. Te sword and severed head in her hands indicate the paramilitary shades of the cult of Dionysus in the Roman Empire. Te iconography of the fgure has parallels with the images of the Amazons, who become new companions of Dionysus and even part of his army. Te image of the severed head, on the one hand, refers to the theme of barbarian military rite that was included in the repertoire of Roman art, and on the other hand, it might be associated with a sacred aristocratic rite adopted in Trace and related to Orphic ideas. Finally, the triumphal motives in the iconography of the fgure, its obvious link to the cult of Dionysus and the narrative’s modelling afer the Athenian drama of the ffh century BCE presumably indicate the combination of several plots in one cycle. Tus, if the general composition of the relief cycle in the theatre at Philippi reveals continuity in relation to the classical era, the female image from the third pylon is intended to indicate a new - Roman - view of theatrical drama and the cult of Dionysus.

For a long period of study of medieval agricultural tools, a wealth of material has been accumulated and examined by Russian scholars. The research has led to the development of classifcations, typologies, chronology and periodization of the main types of agricultural implements. Debatable issues have been raised in respect of the time of transition to arable farming in the territory of Ancient Rus’ and the emergence and evolution of some types of cultivating implements. Te research subject of this article is the works of national archaeologists, dedicated to the history of agriculture in Ancient Rus’, and ethnographers, who have employed extensive ethnographic material and examined in detail design features and use of the tools. Tis article examines the works of archaeologists and ethnographers on a wide range of issues related to the history of the development of agriculture and agricultural implements in the territory of Ancient Rus’. Since the last comprehensive study of this issue, which was carried out in 1961 by the Soviet historian A.D. Gorsky, a large amount of new material that requires analysis has been accumulated. Te author updates Gorsky’s ideas regarding the study of Ancient Rus’ian agriculture and its implements in the national historiography and identifes conditional chronological periods of this study. She concludes that the greatest contribution to the research on agricultural tools in Ancient Rus’ has been made by Soviet scholars. Recently, interest in this issue has somewhat faded. Te author provides a bibliographic index, which can become a useful guide for scholars, who are interested in the history of agriculture in Ancient Rus’.

The integration of China into the global world has led to the absorption of immigrants from diferent parts of the world, including Africa, into the previously closed and homogeneous Chinese society. China’s lack of historical practice when a signifcant number of representatives of other ethnocultural communities would interact on its territory, as well as the adherence of the Han majority to centuriesold and strictly regulated behavioral stereotypes, which newcomers always found quite difcult to adapt to, have made the growing number of migrants a big problem for Chinese citizens. Tis is especially true of immigrants from Africa: their ideas about the acceptable self-representation in relation to others are in many ways the opposite of corresponding Chinese views. Te changes brought to public life in China by the coronavirus pandemic have further exacerbated this problem and led to the fact that the Chinese discontent with African migrants began to spill over into their personal blogs. In this case the Chinese may relay the life stories of African migrants, told by themselves. Te typical scenario of such stories is that a migrant somehow managed to socialize and occupy a certain niche, but this happened despite the totally negative attitude of the local population. Moreover, the protagonists in these stories tend to accuse the Chinese of xenophobia and draw other negative conclusions about the national character of the Chinese based on their own experience in the PRC. In addition to such indirect (by retelling stories told in the frst person) dissatisfaction with migrants, the blogs contain obviously articulated dissatisfaction of Chinese citizens with immigrants from Africa. Te Chinese are concerned with the preservation of their own identity, although this fear looks clearly exaggerated given the ratio of the Han majority to migrants. However, the anxiety expressed in blogs indicates that there is an obvious problem in presentday Chinese society.

The article covers the visit of Harold Wilson, the Labour Prime Minister of the United Kingdom, to the USSR in February 1975. Te purpose of the visit was to stabilize bilateral relations between the countries afer a long period of deterioration. Te summit of the heads of state was of great importance both in the context of the process of the relaxation of international tension and in the framework of Anglo-Soviet relations. Tis is evidenced by the diplomatic documents and reports in the press analysed by the author. Te article traces the stances of the heads of state on the issues of détente, the settlement of conficts in the Middle East and Cyprus, the development of bilateral trade relations. While Leonid Brezhnev was interested in the early holding of the Final Act of the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe, Harold Wilson sought not to miss the opportunity to expand trade and economic cooperation. Tus, both sides were interested in the success of the negotiations. As a result of the summit, six documents were signed, in which the countries agreed to take efective measures to prevent the proliferation of nuclear weapons, organize political consultations between Great Britain and the USSR, implement cooperation programs in the feld of economy, industry, science and technology, medicine and healthcare. What the British press considered a signifcant achievement was the agreement to provide the Soviet Union with a loan of 950 million pounds sterling for a period of fve years, which was supposed to increase the volume of trade turnover. Another important step towards each other, according to journalists, was the organization of round tables for members of the public. Tere was, however, a reasonable scepticism about the outcome of the meeting in both the Conservative and Labour press coverage. Soviet articles noted the involvement of Great Britain in the struggle for peace led by the USSR. Harold Wilson’s visit, on the one hand, provided new opportunities for the development of Anglo-Soviet relations, and, on the other hand, demonstrated the diference in the approaches of political leaders to understanding the détente.

The article examines the principles of operation and the structure of the Soviet administrative system of missile production on the eve of the Cuban missile crisis, which made it possible to develop advanced missile technology. Tis system had been constantly reforming. Technological progress led to the expansion of interindustry ties and involvement of industrial plants of various branches and regions, many scientists and technical experts in the area of missile production. Te reform of governing bodies of industry and construction was based on the principles of democratic centralism, which was supposed to activate the human resources of the country. Te ministries that were based on the pyramidal principle of administration were abolished, and the management of industry was entrusted to the regional economic councils (1957). However, new developments in the feld of rocketry remained under the control of the central departments. Te most important missile science and design organizations were subordinated to the State Committee of the Council of Ministers of the USSR for defense technology. In terms of cooperation, enterprises of the radio-electronic, shipbuilding, machinebuilding and other industries participated in the development projects. In 1958, the missile mass production was entrusted to the economic councils. Decentralization of the Soviet administrative system of missile production made it possible to expand production ties and to increase involvement of the human resources in the missile industry. Yet it was necessary to organize a complex supply and sales system and to establish constant control over the operations of hundreds of enterprises. An authoritative coordinating governing body was needed, and the Commission of the Presidium of the Council of Ministers of the USSR on military-industrial issues, which was established in December 1957, played an important role in steady coordination of the decentralized industry. Te reforms helped mobilize limited resources and, by 1962, develop advanced missiles to protect the USSR interests in international conficts (R-7 intercontinental missile, R-11 shortrange missile, R-12 and R-14 mediumrange missiles, S-75 and Dal antiaircraf missile systems, Storm and Buran intercontinental cruise missiles, antimissile defense systems etc.). Finally, the USSR became a superpower capable of defending its foreign policy interests.

Special camps of the NKVD / Ministry of Internal Afairs of the USSR are one of the important research areas in the study of the Soviet occupation policy and functioning of Soviet occupation bodies in post-war Germany. Te purpose of the study is to review the main historical works on the history of special camps that have been published since the 1950s. Two periods of this historiography are examined: “pre-archival” (from the 1950s to the mid-1990s) and contemporary (from the mid-1990s up to the present). Te author mainly deals with the German historiography of special camps and evaluates the availability and representativeness of sources and substantive research conclusions important for understanding the principal elements of the Soviet occupation policy in East Germany in the frst post-war years. While in the “pre-archival” studies, which were based on a limited range of sources, the emphasis was placed on identifying individual, albeit important, aspects of the history of special camps (their location, the number of prisoners who passed through them, the criteria for arrest and placement of the civilian population in a special camp in the Soviet zone of occupation of Germany), current works concern a much wider range of issues. Tey deal with not only organizational issues, but also the place of camps in the system of Soviet special services on the territory of East Germany, their role in carrying out repressions against both the German civilian population and Soviet citizens who ended up in the Soviet zone of occupation of Germany afer the end of the war. In current historiography, special camps are defned as special places for confnement, combining the functions of temporary detention of various categories of people for their interning, fltrating and gathering together for further dispatching, for example, to the gulag camps. Te most important conclusion of current studies of the history of special camps is that they became an expressive manifestation of the “export” of Soviet repressive practices and pointed to the real and long-term plans of the Soviet administration to Sovietize East Germany.

Te author examines the functioning of Moscow’s cinemas during the Great Patriotic War in terms of the concept of “social space” introduced by the French philosopher and sociologist Henri Lefebvre (1901-1991). According to this concept, social space in relation to the cinema includes three levels. Te frst one is a “representation of space”, i.e. a set of fxed norms that are set “from above”, according to the authorities’ views on the most efective cinema and its operation (architectural appearance, repertoire, propaganda programme, etc.). Te second one is “spatial practices”, i.e. the functioning of a cinema through the activities of its personnel, whose views on the best organization of flm viewing could differ signifcantly from the guidelines “from above”. Te third one is a “space of representations” - a “look from below”, that is, the perception (“experience”) of “going to the cinema” by spectators themselves. While analyzing the repertoire, specifcs of the work of wartime Moscow’s cinemas, administrative activities of state and party bodies in the area of flm distribution, the author draws the following conclusions. Cinemas’ “representation of space” did not change significantly since the pre-war years; they remained places of leisure and entertainment. At the same time, cinemas as agitation platforms were widely involved in propaganda for mobilization. Cinemas’ “spatial practices” under war conditions were significantly transformed due to the intensification of propaganda work and the obligation to strictly adhere to special instructions. Cinemas’ “spaces of representation” were directly related to significant changes in the repertoire: on the one hand, film distributors relied on edifying “defense” films, and on the other hand, on what the mass audience was primarily interested in, that is, distracting and relaxing melodramas and adventures, as well as war dramas and documentary films consolidating the “enemy image” and providing information from the fronts. In addition, Soviet moviegoers discovered “another world” on the screen through films of the Allies, American and British cinema production.

The article examines the formation of scientifc historical knowledge in the West Ural region and analyzes the works of authors who have made a signifcant contribution to the study of the history and culture of this region, expanded and enriched scholarly vision of the Russia’s past. Attention is focused on such an important area of national culture as regional studies. Te frst works on the history of the Western Urals date back to the 18th century. Te pre-Soviet period witnessed the appearance of special studies dealing with the development of industries, contribution of the Stroganov dynasty to the progress of the Perm-Kama region etc. along with the general works on the social, economic, cultural development of this territory. Regional studies, born in the Urals in the 18th century, received a powerful impetus in the second half of the 19th century. Local historians of that time understood the importance of such a research and strived to link it with processes across Russia. The author examines the efficient activities of the teaching staff of the Perm University established in 1916 as a branch of Petrograd University, its role in the development of the local history movement and scholarly study of regional history, which made the university the Ural centre for humanities research and studies in Ural history. The period of the “golden decade of national local history” lasted until the turn of the 1920s and 1930s. After the complete ideological control over humanities had been established and the course of forced industrialization had been adopted, the so-called industrial regional studies began to be implanted. Local lore societies, mainly of a humanities profile, began to announce their dissolution due to criticism, which would inevitably lead to their closure. Some representatives of academic science had to leave the university, and these resignations undoubtedly affected the quality of research. Nevertheless, the accumulated richest material, methodology and lines of research in that controversial period are of great interest to modern scholars.

Humanistic education and activities in a Renaissance artist’s workshop in the 15th and 16th centuries are two spheres that at first glance do not seem to overlap. Neither the disciplines which they studied, nor the goals of the humanist and the painter were identical. Traditional approaches to the study of the Renaissance artists’ workshops, as a rule, focused on specific aspects of their existence. Already in the late 19th century the school of connoiseurship addressed the question of attributing the style of the workshop as a circle of artists not always connected with each other. Proponents of the study of art history in the framework of the history of ideas see the workshop as a community of artists who shared common values. Social art history, by contrast, views the workshop as a very specific group of people working together. Modern technical and technological research makes it possible to reveal the secrets of the creative process of masters and their assistants. Currently the most interesting and innovative thoughts about the Renaissance workshops arise where the abovementioned approaches meet, and new problems are included in the research discourse. In particular, it may be interesting to consider the problem of humanistic education, which has its own complex historiography, from positivist approaches to idealization, and to critical assessment. The parallels between the humanistic approaches to education and the organization of painting workshops in the case of the 16 th-century Rome have not been identified in the current scientific literature. It can be noted that this period was significantly influenced by the experience of the Quattrocento educators. Thus, of special interest among humanist educators is Vittorino da Feltre, who until 1446 headed the Mantuan school La Giocosa “The House of Joy”. In the workshops of the Cinquecento Rome, many of the educational approaches developed by the humanists of the previous century found practical application in the work with apprentices and assistants. In particular, this concerns the specialization of masters in various techniques and genres. Though it changed over the century, this approach permeated the history of Roman workshops.

The article covers the peculiarities of the organization of the altar space and choir in the Church of San Francesco in Foligno and the description of the sacred space in the “Revelations of Blessed Angela” recorded by a certain Franciscan Arnaldo in the early 14th century. The author deals with Saint Angela of Foligno, the history of the text of the “Revelations”, its translation into Russian by L.P. Karsavin in 1918, and various perspectives of its study. The church space in the text of the “Revelations” undoubtedly refers to the space of the church of the convent of San Francesco in Foligno (ca. 1256), with which Saint Angela was closely associated. It is her testimony that allows us to hypothesize that in the layout of the Church of San Francesco the choir was supposed to be in front of the altar, in the space of the naos. This is important since the Franciscan architecture in Umbria, imitating the layout of the main basilica in Assisi, apparently had exceptional conformity in the arrangement of the choir in the space of the apse. The presbytery area of the Basilica of San Francesco in Assisi, in its turn, repeated the design of the papal basilicas in Rome, where the altar was located in the middle of the cross-shaped layout, while the choir and throne of the pope were placed along the apse curve. The article reveals the difference between the rectangular apse of San Francesco in Foligno and polygonal apses in other Umbrian Franciscan churches (in Assisi, Orvieto, Todi, Spello, Sansepolcro, Citta di Castello, etc.). In addition, the Franciscan church in Foligno is examined in the artistic and architectural context of the city. The author argues that the striking difference of the interior of the Church of San Francesco in Foligno could be determined by the dynamics of the socio-political life of the city and its surrounding area, mainly due to the relationship between supporters of the pope and the emperor and involvement of the Franciscans in these events.

After the defeat of Yugoslavia in the April War in 1941, most of the country was occupied by Germany and its allies, the Independent State of Croatia was created and M. Nedić’s government collaborating with the Nazis was formed. The Resistance movement was widespread throughout the country. This movement consisted of the partisans of I. Broz Tito, who were oriented towards the USSR, and D. Mihailović’s Chetniks, who advocated the restoration of royal Yugoslavia and collaborated with the Western allies. Instead of coordinating forces, they soon started fighting against each other. More than 70% of those who were killed in the territory of Yugoslavia fell at the hands of their compatriots. After the communists came to power in Yugoslavia and D. Mihailović was executed by a court verdict, only the official version of the events of the WWII prevailed in historiography, and the Chetnik movement was condemned. In the 1980s, new works and studies about the WWII began to appear in Serbian culture and historical science. They destroyed old historical myths and at the same time created new ones about contradictory events of that time. The revisionist ideas started to develop among Serbian intellectuals. The question of the Chetnik movement acquired more and more political significance. The figure of Nedić, the head of the collaborationist government, also got re-evaluated. The breakup of Yugoslavia served as a catalyst for the rehabilitation of the Chetnik movement, and the court’s decision to overturn the conviction of D. Mihailović in 2015 was the final step in this process. It should be noted that the campaign initiated and supported by a part of the Serbian political establishment to revise the results and assessments of the WWII in Serbia has not led to the expected result. I. Broz Tito and his political regime have been criticized to a large extent, instead of accusing the USSR and the Red Army of the occupation. Although nationalist sentiments sometimes manifest themselves in Serbian society, they are considered unconstructive on the way towards Euro-Atlantic integration.

The study of the church historiography of the Ukrainian diaspora in the situation of the exacerbation of interchurch relations associated with the Ukrainian geopolitical factor is highly relevant. The works and views of diaspora historians were of great importance for the formation of the worldview of scholars in the Ukraine after the ideological barrier fell and the independent state was constituted. This research focuses on the publications of representatives of the Ukrainian diaspora in academic journals in honor of the millennium of Christianization of “Rus’-Ukraine”. The purpose of this article is a comparative analysis of publications of the diaspora historians and representatives of academic centers in Europe and America in the second half of the 1980s on the issues of Russian church history, a study of the nature of the relationship between professional and non-professional literature, the peculiarities of the methodology of church historical research of the diaspora scholars, their role in the development of the Ukrainian church historiography and knowledge of the history of the Russian Orthodox Church in South-Western Russia. No such study has been conducted so far. The author argues that the environment in which certain ideas were born and published had a great impact on approaches and understanding of the past in the works of the Ukrainian diaspora historians. Many of them are written under strong ideological influence, they expresses a very emotional attitude to the research subject and mixes the scientific approach with fiction. While real historical research was characterized by the full rejection of nationalist ideology and strict adherence to logic, the authors who blindly endorsed the nationalistic ideology adhered to “recognized” authorities, undetached attitudes, and emotional perception of church history. The studies with strictly scientific discourse avoid one-sided opinions, pay great attention to the analysis of historical sources and seek to interpret the facts of the past in the broad context of the world historical process.

The diary of Sergey Sergeyevich Dmitriev, a famous specialist in the history of Russian culture and social thought of the 19th century, is currently being prepared for publication. The purpose of this article is to show the relevance and use of this source of personal nature for potential readers (both historians and those who are simply interested in Russian history). The value of the diary can not only be attributed to the fact that its author was a professor who left a noticeable mark on the history of the Faculty of History at the Moscow State University, but also to the fact that it covers a half-century period, stretching from 1941 to 1991, and further into the 1920s-1930s, if we take into account the so-called memoir inclusions. During this time, the social life of the country and the conditions for the development of historical science changed more than once. The period of the 1920s - early 1930s, when the “Pokrovsky school” domineered, significantly differed from the situation prevailing after 1934, when the study of civic history was reintroduced in addition to the history of class conflict; whereas the conditions of the 1930s - early 1950s varied from those in which historical science developed after 1956, and then during the period of perestroika. All these changes can be tracked both on the basis of the assessments and judgments expressed by Dmitriev himself, and drawing on the example of his numerous contemporaries’ experiences mentioned in the diary. They were people of different ages, professions, social (class) origin, widely known or almost unknown to anyone; those who lived and worked with the author for a long time, and those who only encountered him for a brief moment, during the period of evacuation, or while he travelled around the country, stayed in sanatoriums and hospitals, or attended classes of various Moscow universities. Of particular interest is the correspondence between members of the Dmitriev family from 1941-1942, as it vividly and thoroughly characterizes life on the Soviet home front in the initial period of the Great Patriotic War.

The 1940s-1960s is a period of landmark nature in the development of foreign, primarily English-speaking, historiography on Russia. The conditional endpoint of this period is the “protest” year of 1968, which had a profound impact on both the Western educational system and historical profession. From the point of view of the history of the discipline, the main content of the period is the formation of historiographical discourse, which was forged under the influence of and in opposition to the public discourse with its stereotypes and clichés concerning Russia. In any case, the image of Russia was based on its comparison with the West, which, by the end of WWII, was embodied in the US. Russia and its successor, the Soviet Union, were interpreted as the exact opposite of the capitalist “free” West. The problem of “Russia and the West”, central to public discourse in the West, occupied an equally important place in historiography. During the first phase of the Cold War, the public image of Russia was sharply negative in the US and Western Europe. The ideologeme of “Moscow as the Third Rome” became especially popular and presented Russia as a country of a number of “eastern” features, where nothing had changed since the time of Ivan the Terrible. An increasing number of historians and studies dealt with Russia by the end of the 1950s. The theory of modernization and idea of “catch-up development” started to take hold in historical research. Representatives of the first generation of American scholars in the field of Russian history inherited much from Russian émigré historians and pre-revolutionary historiography. In their works of the 1950s-1960s, the 19th -early 20th-century Russia appeared as a country on the European way, though “lagging” in its development. The Western Russian studies set up their own historiographic discourse in the 1960s. Along with the richness of the conceptual apparatus, it demonstrates a high level of professionalism, deep understanding of the history of Russia, and application of a variety of methodological tools. In the unanimous opinion of American scholars, only a historical unpoliticized approach makes it possible to adequately analyze the problem of “Russia and the West”.

This study examines the policy of Great Britain in Egypt in the context of the changed balance of power in the Eastern Mediterranean. By the mid-1930s, Egypt continued to be one of the key elements of British policy, however by that time the British presence in the country was under threat from opposition forces inside Egypt and from Italy, which more and more clearly demonstrated expansionist tendencies. Along with financial and material limitations, Great Britain was forced to change the way of government in Egypt and resorted to softer approaches. Diplomatic measures were also employed in Anglo-Italian relations. Miles Lampson was appointed high commissioner in Egypt. Upon arrival in the country, he began to study the situation and established a dialogue with various political forces. At the same time, the essence of Great Britain’s policy in Egypt did not change, and the Foreign Office did not consider the possibility of the appearance of alternative political forces here. As for the balance of forces in the Eastern Mediterranean, back in 1934, Italy embarked on an expansionist course in foreign policy. In this regard, the threat to Egypt was considered real by the Foreign Office. However, since Egypt occupied only the third place on the list of foreign policy priorities of Great Britain, the latter launched a policy of “appeasement” toward Italy. Meanwhile, Egypt remained a key element of the British imperial communication system. Finally, when the military threat to Egypt became real, Great Britain concentrated an enormous naval force in the Eastern Mediterranean and provoked the “Mediterranean crisis” of August 1935. While Great Britain demonstrated readiness to resolve problems diplomatically, it was capable of decisive action in crisis situations.

The article reconstructs the main milestones of the academic biography of the prominent art historian Dmitry Vlasievich Ainalov (1862-1939), analyzes the up to now neglected materials from the Archive of the Russian Academy of Sciences regarding the attempts at electing him to full membership in the USSR Academy of Sciences. Ainalov's biography is examined in the context of the development of the Academy as a scientific and public institute, and particularly the reforms of its charter. Academician V.P. Buzeskul fought for the promotion of Ainalov, N.P. Kondakov's disciple, but in vain. Since the second half of the 1920s the pressure of state power on the Academy of Sciences was increasing and the elections of its new members began to be considered as one of the ways of sovietization of the Academy. The academic corporation in itself was not united and troubled by internal tensions. A group of academicians in Oriental studies, headed by S.F. Oldenburg, in particular, gained significant influence, and a number of the Academy members thought it necessary to oppose to it. In such conditions, the elections became a space for both fights within the corporation and opposition to the external pressure. The authors restore the context and circumstances of Ainalov's nomination to the academic department on the basis of the private correspondence of academicians. For the first time, they publish the notes on Ainalov's academic achievements, with which various groups tried to justify the feasibility of his election. The fight of the Academy of Sciences of the USSR for its autonomy in key decision-making turned out to be ineffectual, the control of the Soviet state over the Academy led to its total sovietization and attenuation of the freedom of scientific discussion. As a result, the USSR Academy of Sciences turned from a purely scientific institution into an instrument of political pressure, and the academicians-historians who survived repressions (S.A. Zhebelev, D.M. Petrushevsky) preferred not to show initiative and to follow the course determined from above.

The process of self-identification of the community of Moscow historians was nearing completion by the early 20th century. The image of Sergei Mikhailovich Soloviev, long-term professor of the Department of Russian History, author of the History of Russia from Earliest Times, rector of the university, heir to T.N. Granovsky's traditions, played an important role in the collective memory of the representatives of the Moscow school of historians. The formation of commemorative traditions about Soloviev was associated with his colleagues' attempt, initiated by professor of the Department of World History V.I. Guerrier, at solemnly and publicly celebrating the publication of the 25th volume of the History of Russia from Earliest Times at Moscow University in 1876. Despite the resistance of the Minister of Public Education D.A. Tolstoy, who banned the official celebrations in honor of Soloviev at Moscow University, his admirers held them privately. The hero of the day was presented with a valuable gift and congratulatory addresses from various academic institutions. One of the consequences of this event was the appearance of the first biographers of Soloviev at Moscow University, V.I. Guerrier and at that time docent of the Moscow Theological Academy V.O. Klyuchevsky. The texts of Soloviev's disciples formed the so-called implicit knowledge about him, the “legend” about the teacher in the community of Moscow historians. Klyuchevsky did his best to make the image of Soloviev significant for the students of history at Moscow University at the turn of the century. He even tried to explain the foundation of his own school with its characteristic emphasis on archival studies of the reforms in the 18th-century Russia as following Soloviev's precept. However, among the university students of history the latter did not become as popular as T.N. Granovsky, whose memory persisted even in the early 20th century. This was largely due to the fact that a strong tradition of commemoration of Klyuchevsky, heir to Soloviev at the department, emerged immediately after his death in 1911.

The present stage in the development of historiography gives an opportunity to employ new research tools, including the reconstruction of the research practice of outstanding scholars of the past. The author attempts at reconstructing S.M. Soloviev’s concept of historical research in the midnineteenth century and examines the features of the formation of his cognitive interest and approach to history as science of national self-knowledge. This model of historical research aims at gaining an understanding of the specificity of the historian’s vision of the subject area of study and relevant cognitive strategies. The fact that S.M. Soloviev grounded his research on the principles of scientificity and historicism led to the prevalence of the significance of the sources in his study. While addressing to the works of his predecessors, the historian develops his own understanding of these principles. S.M. Soloviev specifically dwelled on the methods of cognitive activity and scientific research. Historical-comparative, historical-typological, historical-diachronic, historical-genetic methods and factor analysis are important (though not often directly indicated) components of S.M. Soloviev’s research laboratory. S.M. Soloviev ascribed an important role to the biographies of his predecessors in the study of their historiographical contribution. Emphasizing the impact of personality and talents of historians on their academic work, S.M. Soloviev also highlighted the influence of the epoch on the formation of their views and research methodology. He emphasized the importance of the period of a historian’s personal formation rather than of his utmost creative activity. The existing model of historical research allowed S.M. Soloviev to characterize the development of historical science in the eighteenth and first quarter of the nineteenth centuries on the basis of the social transformations, which he linked to the very emergence of this discipline in Russia. This analysis served as the basis for generalizing assessment of the contributions of the historians of the previous century, which allowed him to avoid a merely elementary presentation of the advantages and disadvantages of their works and to focus on the process of increasing scientific knowledge.

Problems of the medieval Russian mentality and setting them in the socio-economic and political context of pre-Petrine Russia remain important and promising areas of research. Tese issues are in the focus of a new monograph by S.V. Perevezentsev, “Russian Notions: Russian Spiritual and Political Teachings of the Tenth-Seventeenth Centuries in their Historical Development”. Te article gives refections on this book and controverts some of the interpretations and conclusions given there. It addresses the characteristics of Russian civilization, defned in the book, the specifc traits of the adoption and spread of Christianity, the cults that were popular in Russia, and so on. Te author of the article agrees with the logic of the historian building a certain register of spiritual and political teachings of medieval Russia, trying to trace the line of development of notions not only in literature and journalism, but also in architecture and painting. Tese observations of the researcher are considered quite convincing. Particular attention is paid to S.V. Perevezentsev’s approach, which ofers a look at Old Russian culture through the Orthodox system of values. In accordance with the general concept of the monograph, its author does not conduct his own primary research, but analyzing the discussions on this matter, supports one or another point of view. His purpose is to bring together dispersed, holistic or fragmentary, spiritual and political teachings. Te writer of the article agrees with S.V. Perevezentsev that in the second half of the 13th - early 14th century “Orthodoxy became the main component of all national consciousness”. Te article thoroughly analyzes the main thesis of S.V. Perevezentsev, who states that ancient Russian socio-political texts should be considered through the eyes of their writer, as a rule, a person deeply religious and well-read in Christian literature. Te main criticism of the author of the article is leveled at a certain superfuity of S.V. Perevezentsev’s church rhetoric and pathos, and the vague boundary between the language of science and the language of religion.

The article discusses the little-known and long forgotten novel Tvorchestvo (Creativity, 1952) by the Soviet writer A. Barten. It is not an attempt at literary interpretation of the text, but rather the art historian’s analysis of a literary work dedicated to the fine arts and artists. The novel Tvorchestvo chronicles the art life in the era of socialist realism in the 1930s as the novel takes place in 1935, and reflects the spirit of the time when it was written - the period of ideological campaigns in 1946-1953. The artistically weak work did not attract the attention of literary critics, since it is a typical product of that time, direct and “poster-like” embodiment of the nature of totalitarian culture. The article examines collisions of art in the 1930s-1950s revealed in the novel: the fight against “formalism” and “naturalism”, against “bezydeynost” (idealessness) and “apolitichnost” (apoliticality). It analyses the characters of artists and complexity of their relationships (an “advanced” artist, an art bureaucrat, the genius of socialist realism Vedenin, “not that” realist artist Simakhin, incompetent copyist and artisan Nikodim Nikodimovich, artist “from the machine tool” Semyon, “impressionist-cosmopolitan” Rakitin and, finally, “formalist, who comes to the consciousness of his absolute creative impotence”, Veksler), problems of creativity (“delight to be in ranks” or creative freedom) and craving for producing a “masterpiece” in the conditions of “socialist building”. A. Barten displays his inability to talk about visual means of art and lards the characters’ speech with newspaper words, clichéd phrases and propaganda clichés that migrate from magazines and newspapers to fiction. The novel by A. Barten, an agitational and administrative work rather than a fictional one, in combination with a critical article by T. Golovanova and Yu. Neprintsev “Without knowledge of life” is an obvious piece of ideological demagogy, far from the real problems of literature and art; it is a typical example of manipulating readers, implanting perverted artistic tastes.

The author focuses on the art of the Wanderers (Peredvizhniki) and the history of the Society for Traveling Art Exhibitions (TPKhV), which need nowadays certain reconsideration. The Wanderers movement is the main phenomenon of the 19th-century Russian culture, associated with the development of realistic traditions in the spirit of Tolstoy and Dostoevsky’s writings. The best works of the Wanderers made up the national art school and contributed to the formation of national identity. During the first three decades of the society its artists were trendsetters of style and fashion and the popularity of their exhibitions grew steadily in the capitals and provinces. These exhibitions changed the Russian art life and significantly influenced the development of the art market. They forced society to reconsider the attitude towards contemporary art and collecting. They raised the status of artists, but their dreams to not only educate the public, but also to earn money (as stated in the TPKhV Charter) through exhibitions never came true. The heyday of Wanderers movement was naturally replaced by a period of decline, while its oldest members displayed their conservatism. Nevertheless, the Wanderers stand at the origins of the fundamental processes that determined the path of the further development of Russian art, i. e. impressionism, symbolism, modernism. For a long time, the Wanderers movement was one of the principal subjects of study of Soviet art history. In the last third of the 20th century, many critics and specialists were immersed in the study of the art of the subsequent decades, i. e. the Silver Age and avant-garde, while the Wanderers’ art was neglected as part of Marxist-Leninist aesthetics. The contemporary art inclining towards the concept and posing questions of being reveals the most unexpected analogies within the Wanderers’ art, despite the gap between the classical and ultramodern views. The popularity of the Wanderers’ paintings was also exploited in the 20thcentury mass culture. This interest is explained by the fact that more than one generation of our compatriots was brought up on them and many of them are part of the cultural code of the Russian nation.

Very few written sources have survived about the fortification of medieval Smolensk, and excavations of fortifications were carried out only a few times in the past. The materials of test pitting and observations of construction work are not a first-class source for solving the problems of establishing chronology and the reconstruction of the appearance and engineering of such structures. Both the data of written sources and the materials of archaeological research were considered in the past through the prism of an outdated concept, which viewed the ramparts as purposefully built mounds, on top of which palisades or hollow log cabins were placed. At the present stage, a different vision of ancient fortification has been developed: the ramparts are the ruins of earth-and-timber walls, which were chains of oak log cabins filled with soil. Only after the destruction of the wooden sheathing and the pouring out of the soil were earthen ridges-ramparts with the remnants of wooden log walls inside them formed. Within this framework, a new examination of the materials from the excavations of previous years in Smolensk shows that the structures discovered here fully correspond to this theory. The value of Smolensk artefacts also lies in the fact that the study covered the remains of the walls erected in the 16th century, which have not been an object of archaeological excavations in any other Russian city. However, that time, due to the spread of firearms, was the period of a rapid transition from medieval traditions of construction to new techniques aimed at countering cannon fire. Investigation by archaeological methods has established that the late medieval wall of Smolensk was created according to the norms of ancient Russian defense architecture, but written sources testify to the presence in these wooden walls of the “lower battle”, chambers for installing canons. Smolensk was the first case in Russia where the central part of the gateway in the wall of the 16th century was explored. The gateway was placed at the bottom of a natural hollow and equipped with drainage. The article also considers the issue of dating the construction of this wall with the involvement of the entire complex of written and archaeological sources, which allowed us to propose two versions of such a date: around the 1530s and mid-1580s.

The article analyzes the direction in the development of historical science at the turn of the twentieth-twenty-first centuries, associated with the socalled “memorial boom”, which determined the appearance, in the 1980-1990s, of a special area of “memory research”, memory studies, in the subject field of history in general and the history of Russia in particular. The evolution of this area of historical knowledge was undoubtedly influenced by the emergence of new electronic means of storing and transferring information, as well as the forms of representation of the past and digitalization of sources of different types and species. The result of these processes was the formation of the category of “sources of historical memory”, whose development requires solving a number of important theoretical and methodological problems. The methodological and source critical aspects of the study of historical memory are of the greatest interest to the historical community. So, in order to select from various bodies of sources of different types and species those that can be included in the structure of sources for studying historical memory, one should apply the criterion of their informative potential, which permits to “see” the past, enrich historical knowledge with emotional and psychological perception of the image of the past. An important thesis of methodological nature is the recognition that the work of the historian also involves the function of imagination, not being limited to reconstructing events, but supplementing them with “seeing” and “presenting a vision” derived from memory sources. In this regard, the source researcher gives considerable significance to the problems of interaction between the forms of representation of the past and the informative potential of the source in the context of modern practices of memory studies, the hierarchy of sources of historical memory (written-text, audiovisual, monumental) based on the criterion of the importance of certain types, kinds and sets of sources for studying the rich spectrum of problems in memory research, as well as for a general assessment of the cognitive potential, limits and possibilities of this category of sources. The article shows the dangers posed by the manipulation with the images of history and falsification of sources related to the study of historical memory, the significance of the scientific-historical approach, which helps to save our past from oblivion, without distorting or “renovating” the memory of the past in its diverse representations.

The article covers the history of the Guangdong-Hong Kong-Macao Greater Bay Area in South China. Today it is the most rapidly developing and densely populated region of the country, one of the key points of the global project “The 21st Century Maritime Silk Road”. The article provides a step-by-step history of the settlement of the Greater Bay Area, as well as identifies various factors that have led to the active development of the urban cluster in the Zhujiang River Delta. The author focuses on the political, socio-cultural, economic and geographic features of the Greater Bay Area, which has evolved into one of the world-class urban clusters. Provides the main stages of the existence of trade relations in the region, including the epoch when Lingnan culture flourished, the “Canton era”, as well as the periods before and after the formation of the People's Republic of China. The characteristic features of the region, its isolation and structural reforms over the centuries have formed a specific context that has become not only the basis for the development of Guangdong province and the special administrative regions of Hong Kong and Macao, but also the “engine” of a significant sector of the Chinese economy. In addition, a brief analysis of the current Greater Bay Are concept evolution has been attempted. Research papers by Chinese authors and government reports are used as the main sources of information. Due to the growing interest in this large-scale project and the achievement of the first planned results the Chinese academic community has recently published the data that was previously unavailable to the general readership. The use of these materials allows us to see the process of the Greater Bay Area formation through the eyes of Chinese authors who are immersed in cultural and historical realities, as well as to fill gaps in the Russian-language studies on this topic, to add individual facts into an overall picture and present a more structured view of the entire South China region history.

The article attempts to assess one of the remarkable episodes in the history of international relations in the interwar period, the rapprochement between Italy and France in the first months of 1935, which found its most striking embodiment in the Laval-Mussolini agreement of January 7, 1935. One of the cornerstones of Mussolini’s foreign policy was a concept of a “new Roman Empire”. Ethiopia and the Eastern Mediterranean were openly named the initial targets of expansion in official documents. By this period, Italy had more than restored its military and economic might, which was yet insufficient to achieve these ends. Italy chose France as its ally for undermining the status quo in Europe. During the first half of 1935, the countries came a long way in diplomatic rapprochement that reached the climax in the aforementioned Mussolini-Laval treaty and negotiations between the military headquarters of the two countries (winter-spring 1935). Italy proposed to resolve the bilateral colonial contradictions, in particular, the question of Italian citizens in Tunisia and local problems in East and North-East Africa. Despite the improvement in relations, France was not inclined to conclude a more binding agreement with Italy, following the early 20th-century example of the Entente. The relations between two countries were also influenced by the gradually aggravated German question. Nevertheless, the January agreements were taken by Mussolini as carte blanche in the Ethiopian area and later led to the outbreak of the Italo-Ethiopian war. However, due to the evasive position of France which did not much regard Italy as an ally against Germany, Mussolini curtailed attempts rapprochement with the Third Republic. The final event was the conference in Stresa, upon which Italy finally left the camp of the countries that guaranteed the Versailles-Washington system of international relations.

This study focuses on some features of the scientific outlook of M.M. Khvostov (1872-1920), who made a serious contribution to the formation of a new profile of historical science, as well as to the study of various aspects of the history of the Ancient world. The authors attempt at finding the correlation between a number of Khvostov's theoretical and methodological approaches to the study of history and the ones employed by his three main teachers, professors of Moscow University P.G. Vinogradov, V.I. Guerrier, and V.O. Klyuchevsky. For the first time, the study is based on a comparative analysis of the main works by Khvostov and his teachers. It is noted that he resorted to (though not imitated) Vinogradov's positivist gnoseology and research paradigm. Khvostov's creative heritage reveals reception of Guerrier's views and ideas on the organic nature of the historical process, the inadmissibility of under- and overestimation of the role of the individual in history, and peculiarities of constructing the image of history. Following in general Klyuchevsky's historical and sociological discourse, Khvostov demonstrated his own ideas about the social development, developed the concepts of his teacher concerning the driving forces of historical evolution. He searched for evidence of the recurrence of economic cycles in the history of the peoples of antiquity, sought to understand the principles of historical determinism. Following Klyuchevsky, Khvostov recognized the decisive role of the economic factor in the historical process and correlated with it all the other changes in the social life. As a result of the research, the authors prove that the affiliation of Kvostov's teachers to different schools of Russian historical thought could not but affect his approaches to solving the core issues of philosophy and gnoseology of history. The eclecticism and contradictions become apparent by comparing individual ideas presented in his works of different years. Nevertheless, Khvostov had his own academic priorities, and as an independent original scholar sought to respond adequately to the intellectual challenges of the boundary epoch of the late 19th and early 20th centuries and make adjustments to his theoretical approaches.

The subject of this study is the guarantee composition, which was a separate aspect of business relations of the foreigners, members of the Moscow guild merchant society in the mid-18th - mid-19th centuries. Guarantors were some of the local merchants, guaranteeing economic solvency (including timely annual payment of interest on capital), as well as the absence of “fines and suspicions” regarding those entering the merchant guild. This problem is being considered for the first time in the national historiography. The author introduces into scholarly discourse an entire complex of archival materials, which consists of the cases of entering the Moscow merchant status by persons of foreign ethnic origin. This study is based on the analysis of ca. 800 petitions and reports on ranking among the Moscow merchants. The objective of the study is to identify the prevailing trends in relations on the basis of nationality between the persons of foreign ethnic origin who had been classified as merchants, and this could be revealed in the choice of the guarantor either among their ethno-religious community or among local merchants of “Great Russian” origin. These trends are considered separately for each national group, represented in the Moscow merchant society, and compared with each other. For example, the French, Armenian-Gregorian and Muslim (Tatars, Bukharians and Persians) communities had very high percentage of guarantees, involving their compatriots, while Germans and Greeks demonstrated a weaker tendency in this regard. Accordingly, the latter’ preference for choosing guarantors from the local merchants was more noticeable than among the former. The study of guarantees revealed that merchants of Italian, Swiss, British, and Gypsy origin had compatriot ties. On the basis of these data, the author analyzes business relationship between different national and confessional groups represented in the Moscow merchant society. This relationship was often explained by the fact that they traded the homogeneous goods. The author also suggests a four-group typology of guarantee composition according to national characteristics.

In the first quarter of the 18th century, on the initiative of Peter I, a system of military hospital institutions was created and their organization by private individuals was encouraged. This appeal received endorsement from the bureaucratic nobility and was embodied in the testaments of the famous Petrine diplomat, Prince B.I. Kurakin (1727), and the first Russian State Chancellor, Count G.I. Golovkin (1729). In the detailed regulations attached to his last will, B.I. Kurakin not only delineated the structure of the staff of the hospital, which, along with the church, was to be built in Moscow, the composition of meals and clothing given to the patients and staff, but also outlined their way of life. Besides, the will designated the amount of money required for the construction and maintenance of the Moscow almshouse-hospital, and the source of its acquisition, including interest on capital placed in foreign banks. G.I. Golovkin’s testament also mainly describes how to maintain the hospital church and the hospital in Vysotsky monastery in Serpukhov, where his parents’ remains rested and where he bequeathed to bury himself. The unprecedented comparison of the texts of the two wills with regard to charitable activities has highlighted both the common features of Old Russian piety inherent in these representatives of the political elite of Peter’s time, and the differences in the manifestation of the Europeanism they had adopted. The mentalities of both State Chancellor Golovkin, who never left Russia, and Prince Kurakin, much more Europeanized in accordance with the nature of his service, were still determined by their religious worldview. The latter manifested itself in the concern for memorial services and church building. In addition, Kurakin’s will transferred the vow taken upon himself in front of the icon of Nicholas the Wonderworker to his heir, under the threat of curses and punishment on the day of the Last Judgment if the deceased’s will had not been fulfilled. In both testaments, church benevolence and ancient Christian love for the poor, characteristic of Old Russian piety, were combined with the forms and goals of the charity of the modern period. Its embodiment were the prudently equipped hospitals-almshouses, initiated by the example of the supreme power.

The article explores the possibilities of using the Books of Ranks (razriad) to identify the “honor” of precedence of city voivodeship appointments. In the context of the constant active warfare conducted by Russia in the 16th century, city voivoda appointments could give an important advantage in the precedence disputes and provided significant voivodeship experience. It can be assumed that in connection with changes in the tactical and strategic situation, the “informal” status, “honor status” of city voivodeship appointments also changed. The analysis of the documents of the Razriad Department in a number of cases makes it possible to reveal the dynamics of the “honor status” of voivodeship appointments to specific cities in different periods. An appointment to the same city for the same voivodeship position at different times and in different conditions can be interpreted as career advancement or as a form of disgrace. The author chose the example of the city of Velikiye Luki: its importance changed from the late 15th to the early 17th century and the voivodas appointed there received different (within very wide limits) status in the voivodeship hierarchy. The work defines the circle of voivodas who were appointed to Velikie Luki during this period and characterizes their status in the frames of mestnichestvo system and their position in the voivodeship hierarchy. It also identifies the periods of greatest activity when governors of the city were appointed. Conclusion is made about the correlation between the frequency of voivodeship appointments to the city and the situation on the Russian-Lithuanian border. The author indicates the growth of “status” and the demand for governors appointed to the city during periods of exacerbation of diplomatic relations and the conduct of active hostilities. Suggestions are also made about the influence of other reasons on the dynamics of the “honor status” of the city. The author analyzes the influence of city appointments in Velikiye Luki on the careers of a number of representatives of the Russian military-political elite. The article also emphasizes the need to take into account the “informal” status of the city at a particular moment when doing biographical studies of representatives of the Russian military-political elite of the late fifteenth - early seventeenth centuries.

This article is based on a comparison of graphics of Russian deesis images of the 15th-16th centuries. A detailed analysis of a large number of tracings of Deesis icons that date from different times and places leads to the assumption that their authors widely used a set of the same graphic elements repeated from icon to icon regardless of who or what is depicted, the Savior or Theotokos, an angel, an apostle, a prophet, a martyr, a bishop or a saint; regardless of whether this image is half-length or full-length; regardless of the postures and gestures of the depicted figures and their attires. These patterns are especially noticeable in drawing robes, draperies and fabrics in general. The use of these typical elements is almost mandatory, although their combination varies from image to image. The same blocks of elements can also differ slightly from icon to icon in terms of proportions, relative sizes of particular images, and the curvature of the lines. A block can be partly concealed by an element not belonging to it or used twice; its part can be mirrored, rotated at some angle, clockwise or counterclockwise, shifted or removed, while the structure of the block remains the same. An experienced eye will easily identify each block in a wide variety of icon images. This phenomenon allows us to significantly modify the idea of the strategy medieval icon painters adopt, i.e. a Deesis icon drawing was not often literally copied, at the same time, it was not invented completely anew. To a greater or lesser extent, the images were constructed from already available ready-made blocks, and some of the figures consist of them almost entirely.

The article concerns the still completely unexplored issue of the possible anthropomorphic perception of the Old Russian churches. The work is based on the study of Old Russian written sources, mainly chronicles, as well as inventories, charters, lives, travel descriptions. The information extracted from written sources is grouped in the article by individual words, which were used by Old Russian writers as anthropomorphic terms when describing the church: “top”, “head”, “forehead”, “neck”, “under head”, “shoulders”, “belt”, “foot”. Some documents contain single terms or their pairs; there are examples of a more consistent use of several terms concurrently. Chronologically, anthropomorphic terms were common in Old Russian literature throughout its history, that is, from the 11th to the 17th centuries. They are found in an extensive range of documents. A careful examination of the terms has revealed that the Old Russian church was described in approximately the same way as a human figure, and the objects were described sequentially from top to bottom. Similar descriptions with the same sequence, using similar anthropomorphic terms, are found in Italian and post-Byzantine painting manuals, where a proportional analysis of the human figure is given. Some anthropomorphic terms similar to the Old Russian ones are found in Byzantine descriptions of temples or in the form of separate words. It can be assumed that the Old Russian set of anthropomorphic terms is of Byzantine origin. The comparison with the human figure, that arises when one reads such descriptions, is a likely key to understanding the proportions of ancient Russian churches, which were interpreted through the prism of human proportions and their standards of the time. The proposed approach also permits more extensive use of historical, written terms in contemporary art history literature. The range of anthropomorphic terms describing the architecture of ancient Russian churches is quite wide and well documented. Perhaps it will be expanded in the future, but already now, on its basis, it is possible to enrich the understanding of architecture in medieval Russia.

The impact of the economic crisis that had been gaining momentum in Uruguay from the mid-1950s was first felt by agricultural workers in the country’s northern provinces. Their economic situation was approaching catastrophe. In 1961 the Union of Sugar Workers of the Province of Artigas (UTAA) was formed in the north of Uruguay. It was headed by a lawyer from Montevideo, one of the leaders of the Socialist Party, Raúl Sendic. Unlike other trade unions in the country, whose leadership was effectively controlled by the North American capital, the UTAA began an uncompromising struggle for workers’ rights. In 1962, Raúl Sendic, together with the UTAA sugar cane cutters, organized a march to Montevideo to present the workers’ economic demands to the Uruguayan government. Soon, in order to support the UTAA, a group of young activists from various leftwing parties was formed. They sought to coordinate the actions of the protesters and their political sympathizers and were called “Coordination”. Gradually, the participants in the “Coordination” came to the idea of the need to switch to the methods of armed struggle. In the summer of 1963, they expropriated weapons from a gun club in the town of Nueva Helvecia. This operation, known as the “Swiss gun club”, actually began a new stage in the history of the movement, which resulted in 1965 in the creation of a revolutionary organization that resorted to the tactics of “direct action”. It was the Movement for National Liberation, Tupamaros. The subject of this article is the activities of the radical wing of the non-systemic left opposition in Uruguay in the first half of the 1960s, which in 1965 united into a single organization of Tupamaros. The aim of the article is to show the origin and evolution of the opposition organization through its transition from legal methods of struggle to armed ones, right down to guerilla operations. This work, for the first time in Russian historiography, analyzes the key milestones in the formation and development of the Tupamaros revolutionary movement, and considers the economic and political prerequisites of its emergence.

The article covers the formation and development of the labour youth movement within the framework of the British Labour Party. After the electoral reforms of 1918 and 1928, when young Britons, both men and women, were given the right to vote, the struggle for this category of the electorate gained particular relevance. The author of the article examines the key milestones associated with the birth of the labour youth movement in the first half of the 1920s, as well as the discussion that unfolded at the annual party conference in 1924 regarding the approval of a special scheme for the creation of labour youth sections. From the very beginning, the activists’ greatest doubts were caused by the fact that the party leaders tried to focus the activities of young people on sports and entertainment, and, if possible, prevent them from directly participating in the discussion of the party policy. The article analyzes the positive dynamics of the growth of youth sections in the 1920s, and discusses the launch of the annual conferences of the Labour League of Youth. At the same time, the author notes that at the turn of the 1920s - 1930s there was a slight slowdown in the growth of the sections. In 1933, the party made an important decision to organize a larger-scale administrative and propaganda work in the area of building youth support. The efforts proved to be successful. This was manifested both in the quantitative growth of the sections, and in the fact that in the 1930s the party began to practice new forms of work with young electorate, such as organizing special schools for propagandists, “youth days” and “youth weeks”. The downside of the activation of youth sections was their noticeable leftward drift and the attempts to establish cooperation with the Communist Party in the framework of the struggle for the creation of the United Anti-Fascist Front in the late 1930s. As a result, the Labour Party had to impose a ban on the convening of the annual youth conference in 1937 and 1939, as well as to temporarily dissolve the governing bodies of the youth movement.

One of the important international topics discussed in 1925 on the pages of the Soviet establishment newspapers, the Pravda and the Izvestia, was the draf of the Rhineland Pact and the possible consequences of its implementation for the USSR. From the Soviet perspective the Germany’s entry into the League of Nations posed a threat to the USSR’s rather trusting relationship with Berlin, which had developed afer the conclusion of the Rapallo Treaty in 1922, and Moscow saw the danger of increasing international isolation and the strengthening of the camp of the powers hostile to the USSR, led by Great Britain. Germany remained the focus of Soviet commentators on the Locarno trial until October 1925. At the same time, Soviet-German negotiations to conclude a trade agreement were under way, facilitating contacts at ofcial level. However, the press made it possible to infuence German public opinion, which the authorities of the Weimar Republic could not but listen to. In addition, the newspapers named possible options for Soviet policy if the Entente powers disagreed not to involve Germany in an active or passive participation in a possible aggression against a third party (viz. the USSR), as provided for by the Statute of the League of Nations. One of these options - the rapprochement of the USSR and Poland, and the provision of guarantees of the inviolability of all Polish frontiers, including with Germany, - has repeatedly been a research topic for historians, primarily Soviet and Polish ones. At present, their opinion is quite unanimous: the USSR was not going to guarantee the Polish borders, and Poland did not intend to go so far in rapprochement with the USSR. However, the Izvestia voiced another option, which was realized already in the 1930s: rapprochement with France on an anti-British (and thus anti-German) basis. Comparison of newspaper comments with the speeches of ofcials (in particular, G.V. Chicherin and I.V. Stalin) shows that there were no diferences between them on the main points of perception of the Locarno process. Te Soviet establishment newspapers in 1925 can be considered well-informed and accurately expounding the views of the USSR leadership on the turn in the international relations which was taking place in Europe.

The history of front-line journalism in Russia during the First World War has only recently begun to attract the attention of researchers. Until now, the routes of war correspondents, their relationship with the Stavka, the front commanders, and censorship have been little studied. The work of American journalist Stanley Washburn is of particular interest. By 1914, he was already an experienced and established journalist who had visited various parts of the world. The fact that Washburn had been hired by “The Times” and sent on a difficult tour of duty on the Eastern front spoke volumes. His journalistic talent was combined with knowledge of the Russian army, gained from the time of the Russo-Japanese war. Foreign Minister S.D. Sazonov advocated his admission to the front in order to create a positive image of Russia and the Russian army in the United States. Although the Stavka initially resisted admitting journalists, Sazonov’s arguments, coupled with the defeats in East Prussia, forced to soften its position. At the front, Washburn stood out from other correspondents for his discipline and enthusiasm. Not being able to visit the front line constantly, Washburn focused on describing the everyday life of the front, the human “experience” of war. His articles were distinguished by their correctness and variety of subjects, and four books about the Russian front were published on this basis in 1914- 1916. Washburn’s popularity in the West affected his position in Russia: he was given maximum freedom of movement along the front, was willingly given interview by dignitaries and front commanders, and was twice granted an audience by Nicholas II. Washburn often expressed his ideas regarding developing military propaganda at the front and improving the image of the allies in Russian society. The entry of the United States into the war in 1917 and the radical breakdown of the social system in Russia prompted Washburn to change dramatically the field of his interests, leave the journalistic profession and leave Russia forever.

The article examines the efforts of the State Bank of the Russian Empire to expand its branch network in the Crimea in the second half of the ninteenth - early twentieth centuries. The first activities of the State Bank on the peninsula were carried out in Sevastopol as one of the most promising port cities in the post-reform years. A branch was opened there in 1875. This was followed by the establishment of bank branches in Simferopol, Feodosia and Yalta. The author analyzes the bank’s recruitment policy with the focus on the history of the bank officials entering the service in the Sevastopol branch. Particular attention is paid to the difficulties that accompanied the process of opening bank branches. In the process of expanding the banking network, spirit of rivalry arose, which prevented the management of the country’s main credit institution from objectively assessing the need to create a particular branch. Various cities of the Crimea expressed the wish to open a branch of the State Bank. As for the efforts of the city authorities of Yevpatoria, they failed. For a long time, the branches of the Bank in the Crimea experienced difficulties in renting the premises suitable for their activities. Thus, the Sevastopol branch did not have its own building during the first ten years of its history; the Simferopol branch lacked its own premises for five years, and the Yalta branch had to rent new premises every year from 1882 to 1912. The article gives only general analysis of the operational activities of the Crimean branches of the State Bank. This aspect of their work requires deeper and more extensive coverage in a separate work. Nevertheless, the author was able to conclude that the State Bank on the Peninsula failed to provide full support, as regards the development of the region, to its business circles, which felt a lack of affordable and cheap credit. This article was written using archival materials from the funds of the Russian State Historical Archives. The core information contained in it is published for the first time.

The article covers the history of K.F. Golovin's salon, which was held from the second half of the 1880s until the death of its host in 1913. The salon occupied a prominent place among other similar informal gatherings (V.P. Meshchersky's, E.V. Bogdanovich's salons) which influenced the formation of the contemporaneous government policy. Grown out of the “Ellipsis”, an informal circle of economists discussing the agrarian and economic problems of Russia, the salon gradually expanded the range of topics to include questions of the political structure of the empire. The article shows the importance of the salon as an unofficial politicized institution prior to the First Russian Revolution, when its activities to some extent compensated the lack of political freedoms. K.F. Golovin's Wednesday coterie was attended both by public figures of the right wing and middle-ranking officials. In some cases, certain agricultural policy measures (V.I. Kovalevsky, the Commission on the Impoverishment of the Central Provinces), which were later implemented, were tested there. K.F. Golovin's salon played a prominent role in the discussion of the drafts aiming to change the political system in 1905, especially concerning the establishment of the State Duma, and namely, the question of the form of popular representation and the electoral law (a mixed electoral college, the forming of the workers' curia, etc.). In parallel K.F. Golovin and the regular visitors of his “Wednesdays” took an active part in the attempts to unite the moderate-right and create a political party on this basis. These attempts continued to be made until 1912, but ended in failure. The history of the salon also shows the importance which unofficial right-wing thought had, first and foremost, for the authorities: public figures often offered better recipes for solving complex problems, while the ban on political activity created a deficit of government support from loyalist citizens, a deficit which could not be covered by the activity of the bureaucratic apparatus. The Wednesday salons were part of those complex mechanisms which tied the promonarchist public and the authorities. However, by the early 20th century they had clearly become insufficient.

The article analyses the ideas about truth as a socio-legal and religious-moral ideal of Ancient Rus, and aims to systematize these ideas and identify their evolution. To this end, Old Russian written sources were studied, where one can find ideas voiced by an author of a specific source or the people who are in the narrative, concerning the concept of “truth”, which, of course, was ambiguous. Mentions of “truth” were identified, the context of the usage of this word in a historical document and its semantic load were analyzed. The next step was to determine common themes within which the sources referred to the “truth”, as well as coinciding views on this concept (if any). Based on the results of the study, an attempt was made to reconstruct some typical ideas about “truth” inherent in the era of Ancient Rus. The author of the article concludes that the Christian worldview paradigm almost completely emasculates the idea of justice as the inevitable retribution for deserts: on the contrary, within the framework of this paradigm, the belief prevails that offenders should be forgiven, not punished, and good deeds should be done just like that, unselfishly, and not for an award; God can repay the criminals justly, but he can also send down misfortunes to the righteous without any reason, only for the sake of testing or even for the sins of other people. The main goal is to lead a person to salvation; at the Last Judgment, God will evaluate not every specific deed, but the whole earthly life of a person and its results. This understanding of “truth” implies a paramount orientation towards life after death, and not towards earthly life. The study aims to fill the gap related to the study of the Old Russian worldview, since during the period under consideration, no purely philosophical treatises were created in Russia, and the researcher has to identify certain abstract ideas through contextual analysis and synthesis of individual statements or with the help of indirect references in various sources.

The article covers the connection of the artistic heritage of Novgorod with the ancient culture of Kiev and preservation of old Kievan traditions and brought artifacts. We assume that the two large 11th-century paired icons, “Saviour in a Golden Riza” (from the 16th century in the Assumption Cathedral of the Moscow Kremlin) and “Peter and Paul the Apostles” (Novgorod Museum) go back to the Kievan tradition. The Ostromir Gospel, the aprakos in the cathedral of Saint Sophia in Novgorod, was also composed in Kiev in 1056-1057. We believe that many miniatures of the Simon Psalter (State Historical Museum, Moscow, Khlud. 3), produced in Novgorod in the second quarter of the 14th century, go back to illustrations of the lost 11th-century Kievan manuscript. The illustrations of the Psalter to biblical songs reproduce ancient Byzantine samples of the 9th-11th centuries copied by miniaturists in Kiev. Other miniatures are replicas of lost Kievan compositions that glorified Christianity and revealed the foundations of the Christian religion. The cycles of Novgorod miniatures indicate a close relationship between the cultures of Kiev and Novgorod throughout the pre-Mongol period. The ancient Psalter in the cathedral of Saint Sophia in Novgorod, which later served as a model for manuscripts in other significant churches and monasteries, was probably long ago copied from a Kievan original. When copying, the miniaturists preserved the plot features of the compositions that epitomized the preaching of the Christian faith, and yet stylistically simplified the images. The article examines written sources and preserved artifacts by using iconographic and stylistic analysis. The identification of original cultural features plays leading role in the study of the artistic heritage of Novgorod. This work focuses on the preservation of old Kievan traditions in the art of Novgorod in the 14th century and continuity in the evolution of Russian artistic culture. No less important is the possibility to expose some phenomena in the culture of ancient Kiev.

Reverence for nature and sacralization of the landscape occupy an important place in the traditional Tuvan culture. Water stands out among natural objects, and its cult dominates all the others due to the perception of water as a source of life. A whole set of prohibitions and prescriptions was forged that involved attitude toward water and water resources - creeks, large and small rivers, healing springs-arzhaans, their sources, lakes. The belief in their spirits - sug eesi- reveals a special reverence of the Tuvans for nature and the world around them. The authors analyze the essence and functions of the water cult in terms of the early beliefs of the Tuvans: shamanism, tengrianism and Buddhism. The article examines the concept of sacred water in the sociological dimension. The research material has been provided by Tuvan and religious studies, especially focused on early religious practices, sacralization of nature, shamanism and Buddhism, as well as the field studies after the expeditions and investigations in 2013, 2014, 2017, 2018. The authors conclude that traditional cult practices, including the water cult, still persist and interact with other cultural phenomena. Moreover, some shifts and new practices to reproduce traditional values and patterns have been observed. The study shows that nature is the source and symbol of life, the link between the macrocosm and the microcosm in the traditional Tuvan culture. The water cult for the Tuvans is not a relic of the past, but up to now one of the most important elements of the traditional worldview and culture. This vision is embodied in the customs and rituals related to the consecration of the sources of rivers and springs, arzhaans.

On the base of the author’s field research pursued in Georgia (USA) the article considers the social work of the churches and faith-based organizations among refugees. The goal of the article is to analyze the missionary component of the social service of Christian organizations and to determine if (or when) the missionary activities turn into proselytism. The balance of missionary and proselytism in the social work of the specific US religious organizations among refugees and the exposure of the factors helping to protect vulnerable groups from proselytism have not been investigated before. The article studies the connotations of the terms “missionary” and “proselytism” in the documents of the interfaith dialogue and the academic discourse, the views of the churches and the researches on the limits between these terms. In the documents of the interfaith dialogue the main criteria distinguishing missionary and proselytism are the methods of bringing the Gospel as well as the respect/non-respect of the free will and dignity of the mission’s addressees. The academic historiography accepts these criteria but also stresses that proselytism is connected to the deliberate attempt of changing a person’s identity and belonging. The article analyzes the social work of the churches and faith-based organizations in the context of the model of church-state relations in the USA. It demonstrates how the balance of the two main principles of this model: free exercise of religion and separation of church and state, makes the cooperation of the state with faith-based organizations not only possible but also fruitful. Such cooperation is not violation of the principle of the separation of church and state unless it involves proper religious matters, while the social service of churches and faith-based organizations is protected by the free exercise clause. The state appreciates high motivation, emotional involvement and responsibility of the faith-based organizations, doing the social work among refugees, but simultaneously it guarantees inadmissibility of proselytism towards vulnerable groups of people. There is a missionary component in the social service of the US Christian organizations among refugees, but typically various factors prevent its turning into proselytism.

This study of ceramics involves the ethnographic materials. In 1959-1962, A.A. Bobrinskiy, one of the leading domestic experts in ancient pottery, conducted a questionnaire survey of the population to identify the working pottery-production centers in the European part of the RSFSR, partly in the Ukraine and Belarus. In total, more than 6 thousand letters were sent with the attached questionnaire containing questions regarding the most important details of pottery production. The survey materials are the letters (handwritten, less often typewritten, sometimes accompanied by drawings) from local authorities, teachers, employees of local history museums, potters who answered the questionnaire with varying degrees of detail. Ca. 1000 (mainly rural) centers of pottery production were identified and characterized. These documents are stored in the Scientific Industry-Specific Archive of the Institute of Archeology of the Russian Academy of Sciences (A.A. Bobrinskiy’s personal archive) and only partially introduced into the scholarly discourse. They contain specific information on all stages of pottery production: selection, mining, preparation of raw materials and compositions of molding masses, constructing utensils and surface treatment, baking; as well as tools (including pottery wheel designs), heat engineering devices (furnaces and kilns), categories of pottery, vocabulary of potters, their customs and beliefs, trade relations within microregions and wider territories, etc. This valuable source characterizes the development of pottery production in the first half of the 20th century and contains specific ethnographic data, which are also important for the study of technology employed for the production of archaeological pottery finds. These unique documents can excite the interest not only of archaeologists and ethnographers, but also linguists and folklorists. “Potters’ Letters” can also be regarded as a source for studying the conditions of the rural population in the USSR in this period.

The article deals with one of the leading types of funeral ceramic vessels in the Prussian archaeological culture, biconical “temporary” urns. Fragments of calcified bones were brought in these vessels from the funeral pyre and emptied in the grave. In the sixth and seventh centuries, the “temporary” urns were thrown in the grave after the bones and probably deliberately smashed. The typological analysis, a standard typology method in the archeology of the Prussians, helps establish the seriation of biconical vessels. They were dated, first relatively and then absolutely, when juxtaposed to the seriation of crossbow-shaped brooches from the archeological complexes with specific vessels. The shapes of these brooches give indications for such dating. Thus, the forms and parameters of brooches, as well as the forms of vessels are chronological indicators. The author has come to the following conclusions. First, the use of biconical vessels by a group of the Western Balts during funeral ceremonies dates back to the era of Roman influence. Second, from the early fifth century, when the archaeological culture of the Old Prussians had been molded, the inhabitants of Sambia switched from urn cremation to the cremation of subtypes 1.2 and 2.1 (bones, not placed in the urn or scattered in the remains of a funeral pyre). These rituals, like some earlier urn cremations, suggest the use of “temporary” urns, i. e. biconical vessels, to bring bones from a pyre to a grave. Third, biconical vessels lose their ornamentation, their height increased and the neck narrowed during the sixth and seventh centuries. These changes were of ceremonial significance that still remains unclear. Fourth, biconical vessels on the funeral sites of the Prussian archaeological culture date to not later than the early seventh century. The Prussians employed bronze dishes as “temporary” urns at the final stage of the Viking era and until the thirteenth century as has been evidenced by the excavations of the burial ground “Kl. Kaup”.

The research subject is the political and socioeconomic systems of the present-day Cuban society. The article studies their evolution in the light of institutional changes enshrined in the Constitution that was adopted in 2019. A brief historical digression introduces the issue and provides an overview of the difficult socioeconomic situation in Cuba after the disintegration of the USSR. By comparing the new Constitution of Cuba with its previous version of 1976, the author further examines the key transformations in the social and political spheres and underlines an attempt to implement separation of powers, establishment of the posts of President, governors and mayors, deideologization of the society and shifting from the Marxism-Leninism ideas to the intellectual legacy of José Martí and Fidel Castro. For the first time in historiography, it is hypothesized that the Cubans strived to modify ideology to partially adaptit to the concept of the diversity (diversidad) of left forces. The study emphasizes that the Communist party remains a cornerstone of the country’s life and it is proclaimed the one and only party in Cuba in the new Constitution. The article also focuses on the changes in political leadership, the persona of the new President Miguel Díaz-Canel, his road to power and his vision of Cuban transformations. The author shows that the generation change and recruiting young politicians for the government are a progressive process under the control of the “historic generation” of the 1953-1959 revolutionaries. She also sheds light on the impact of the Armed Forces on the government and their links with state enterprises. The final part analyzes the foreign policy factor, the dynamics of Cuba’s relations with such key players in the international arena as China and Russia, and the problems in relations with the US, as well as Cuba’s position in Latin America in the context of current regional socio-economic and political processes.

The history of Japanese prisoners of war held in NKVD (MVD) camps in the territory of the USSR and particularly in Khabarovsk Krai is complex and ambiguously interpreted. This article introduces into scholarly use the materials deposited in the archive of the regional office of the Ministry of Internal Affairs in Khabarovsk Krai and analyzes the progress of implementation of the camps for prisoners of war and internees in the region in the fall and winter of 1945. The documents provide information on the structure of the camp network and its staffing. Inspection materials and disciplinary sanction orders allows us to study the living and working conditions of prisoners of war, their food supply, provision of basic necessities, medical care, etc. The NKVD’s archival materials help reconstruct in detail the history of the formation of the camp network for Japanese prisoners of war in Khabarovsk Krai, taking into account the peculiarities of the NKVD’s activities in the region, and reveal the vision of the problems of the regional NKVD’s administration and the actions taken to solve them. While accommodating prisoners of war, the regional NKVD’s authorities faced a set of problems related to the lack of qualified personnel, necessary material and technical resources, as well as tight deadlines before the cold weather came on and an unexpectedly large number of prisoners. This led to an unfavorable situation in the places of detention of prisoners of war, an increase in morbidity, the damage of frostbite, and large number of escapes. Among the personnel of the camps, there were violations of discipline and delicts: incompliance with the security policy, drunkenness, illegal seizure of Japanese prisoners’ items. Nevertheless, the documents under examination show that the plight of Japanese prisoners was not due to the repressive and malicious actions of the NKVD; its authorities made maximum efforts to ensure proper conditions of the prisoners’ detention, normal food supply and medical care, as well as to stop illegal actions by the camp personnel.

Alexander III was not the frst Russian Emperor whose death was accompanied by a special “regime of secrecy”. An overview and analysis of the information background of those events can contribute much to understanding how the supreme power and mechanisms of its “transit” functioned in that period. In the beginning of the fall of 1894, Emperor Alexander III’s health began to deteriorate sharply. In the end of September, the imperial family moved to their Crimean residence at Livadia, where Alexander died a month later. Troughout all this time, air was flled with rumors of the tsar’s disease, its possible course and outcome. Meanwhile, ofcial information about his illness was poorly disseminated. Bulletins on this matter started to be published only two weeks before his death; moreover, they were elusive and it was rather difcult to understand what was really going on with Alexander. Some readers looked in them for hidden hints, mostly farfetched, and reconstructed their own “clinical picture” on this basis. In addition, the bulletins appeared in the ofcial Pravitel’stvennyy Vestnik with a one-day delay. They were more quickly posted up in public places, and everybody had to come there to fnd out the latest news about the tsar’s health. But even there, the bulletins were not updated at a certain time interval, but as they arrived from Livadia. This irregularity, even in the imperial capital, exacerbated the uncertainty and anxiety of the society. Te clash of opposing opinions in the immediate environment of the tsar regarding how and how much information about his illness should be broadcast outside the Crimean residence provided fertile ground for all sorts of speculations and assumptions. Not only the general public, but also representatives of the highest bureaucracy, as well as those who, due to their position, usually possessed exclusive information, felt uncomfortable in the information vacuum. Tis “unhealthy” atmosphere contributed to the appearance of implausible rumors about the relations within the imperial family and scenarios of succession. All these versions were subsequently used to discredit the autocracy.

One of the achievements of the Era of the Great Reforms was the rapid progress of female education manifested in the emergence of new types of educational institutions, an increase in their number and the expansion of the movement for women’s higher education. All this was an important factor in social transformation and led to the expansion of the sphere of women’s social activities. Te adherents of the conservative camp, who generally advocated the dissemination of education, were mainly concerned with maintaining the sociopolitical stability of the all existing establishments. Alexander III’s government responded to the democratic changes in education in the Era of the Great Reforms with narrowing the curriculum by reducing the range of subjects taught, enhancing religious education and attempting to revert to the estate principle of student recruitment. Te Commission for considering some issues of women’s education began work in 1884. It included ofcials from the Departments for the Administration of the Institutions of Empress Maria, the Ministry of Public Instruction and the Department of Religious Afairs. Te establishment of the Commission was instigated by the note submitted by baroness E.F. Raden, an assistant to Empress Maria Feodorovna in the administration of the Mariinsky educational institutions. Raden’s position was fully supported in the Mariinsky department and in the Ministry of Public Instruction. Te discussion of reforms of women’s education mainly developed along the lines formulated in the baroness’s note. She believed that, taking into consideration a lack of primary and vocational schools, the excessive increase in the number of gymnasiums and granting the right to teach in educational institutions to those who did not have special pedagogical education were erroneous. Raden also considered a rash decision to open uncontrolled higher education courses and advocated strengthening moral education in schools and strict supervision over students. Te Commission, which operated from 1884 to 1890, prepared projects and proposals for reforming women’s education. Tey were mostly impractical: some of them contradicted to the Russian laws, the others - to the real practices of social life at that time. Te results of the Commission’s activity revealed the irreversibility of the trends its members opposed.

The changing methodology in historical research and in the humanities makes relevant the study of the patterns of merchant trading in the context of personal relations. Moreover, special attention should be paid to the development of social ties. In this sense the most representative source is the personal correspondence of the merchants, which was practically the only way of communication between the people who were even at a slight distance from each other. The large extant correspondence collection of the Veliky Ustyug merchant family of the Buldakovs covers the period of the late 18th - early 19th centuries. However, the study of social relations only through private correspondence makes it incomplete due to the inevitable omission of important biographical information about the persons mentioned in the letters by the people who knew the subject of conversation. These gaps can be filled by involving clerical materials from various departments. The study leads to the understanding of the significant role of family relations in the life of merchants. Family partnership was the most convenient and stable form of trading organization due to the fact that every partner was confident in the experience and integrity of his companion. In addition, young merchants took their first independent steps in commerce among their relatives, being “at their service”. They obtained the necessary knowledge, established business contacts and learned by the experience of their leaders. Thus, they acquired mental capital for their own trading activities. The merchants relied on the relatives when trusting relationships were needed (in case of lending money or attorney services). Their confidence in the good faith of contractors was determined by the belief that their behavior was regulated by a narrow circle to which they belonged. Moreover, there was no difference between those who were bound by blood ties, and those who were integrated through affinal relationships.

The Ghent altar has attracted the attention of art amateurs and connoisseurs since its creation in 1432, but its first studies appeared only in the early nineteenth century. The nineteenth-century scholars, from Johanna Schopenhauer to William Wiel, devoted their monographs to the patrons of the altar, attributed panels of the polyptych and dealt with its socio-cultural context. Panels of the altarpiece more than ten times changed their location after its creation, either during the Napoleonic wars or due to the sale of part of the panels and formation of the first significant museum collections. After the First World War and after the Ghent altar panels were recombined, much more research was devoted to this masterpiece and among its researchers were the chief curator of the Royal Museum of Fine Arts Paul Firens, German and Dutch scholars Hermann Beenken, Max J. Friedländer and Karl Voll. However, after a short peace period of 1918-1939 altar panels were again relocated as a result of the seizure of Belgium by German troops. The “journeys” of the Ghent altar wings were completed only after 1945. The history of the altarpiece after 1432-1435, i.e. after it was painted by Jan van Eyck, deserves further analysis that will allow us to reconsider the methodology of research on this work. Art historians of the nineteenth and the first half of the twentieth century could not attain fully justified judgments regarding the Ghent altar because of the separation of its panels, which occurred due to various political and economic circumstances. The research on the dependence of an art historian’s approach from a particular configuration of the Ghent altarpiece without panels disconnected from it between 1781 and 1945 places the historiography in a new perspective. The objective of the article is to identify additional conditions that have impacted the study of the polyptych.

The icons brought to Italy from the East during the first centuries of Christianity were especially revered among believers, and subsequently even their copies were often no less revered. After the capture of Constantinople by the crusaders in 1204, Greek icons began to appear in those areas of Italy where they had previously been a rarity, they were reproduced, these copies became images unto themselves, made to order, and, therefore, acquired their own semantic significance. The Byzantine icon of the Virgin, the Hodegetria, was skillfully created in the first half of the thirteenth century in Siena. After defeating the Florentines at the Battle of Montaperti, the Sienese declared the Mother of God their patroness in 1261. Soon, the copy of the Byzantine icon was made to be placed in the new altar of the city cathedral. Later, the work of a Sienese master became no less revered than the original Byzantine image and received the name of “Madonna del voto”. Its origin demonstrates that it was of paramount importance for the inhabitants of the city. Most likely, this was the first precedent of this kind. The very fact that a local artist painted an image that, on the one hand, embodies the Mother of God’s intercession for his hometown, and, on the other, clearly shows conscious, but not a complete adherence to the Byzantine prototype, significantly influenced the development of painting in the late thirteenth-century Siena. Relatively scarce attention has been paid to this event in the secondary literature. Such a research on the causal relationship between the specific circumstances of ordering a sacred image and its pictorial realization allows us to consider more widely both the issue of copying Greek images in Italy and the formation of the Sienese pictorial art in the second half of the thirteenth century.

The article discusses changes in Soviet cultural policy in the post-war decade of 1946-1956 while considering the management of thearical art. Te two aspects of this issue are analyzed: on the one hand, the measures to ensure censorship of dramatic productions, on the other, the attempts of the party-state leadership of the country and relevant institutions to maintain, despite the ideological and censor restrictions, at a sufciently high level the quality of dramatic works that were staged in Soviet theaters. In this situation, the authorities had to fnd various ways to counteract the obvious trend, i. e. the loss of spectator interest in theaters, whose repertoire was limited mainly to works of little interest by modern playwrights. Tey tried to switch theaters from state subsidies to self-fnancing, increasing the initiative of the theater administration, which was partially endowed with the functions of artistic directors to the detriment of the latter; artistic councils were established as sort of expert bodies that evaluated the production precisely in terms of its quality. While referring to these two sides of the management of Soviet theaters by party-state institutions, the author shows how purely administrative decisions could infuence the creative sphere itself. Debates about the prospects of the Soviet drama theater, held among the theatrical public at that time, had a certain impact on the decisions made by the authorities in this area. Te article analyzes the experience of Leningrad and some other stage venues during the said period and draws conclusions regarding its compliance with the all-Union patterns and special properties. Te author considers how these relatively insignifcant opportunities that emerged due to administrative and structural changes in cultural management helped preserve the political ideals of the Taw for their subsequent revival during the Perestroika.

The end of the Civil War and the transition to the New economic policy in the European part of Russia were very painful. In the North-West of Soviet Russia, this is clearly illustrated by the two most important “cases” - the Kronstadt Uprising and the conspiracy of Petrograd Military Organization investigated by the Extraordinary Commission of the region. Despite the desire of the Cheka’s directorate to reshape the policy of the state security agency in accordance with peacetime conditions, in practice, due to the aggravation of the anti-Bolshevik movement the chekists continued to resort to the extraordinary methods that had been employed during the Civil War. The article analyzes the relationship between the Cheka and the PetrogubCheka (the regional Cheka of Petrograd) and the participation of high ofcials of the Cheka in monitoring the investigation of these cases. It also deals with the history of the well-known agreement concluded between V.N. Tagantsev, head of the Petrograd Military Organization, and the special agent of the Cheka’s Secret Operational Division Ya.S. Agranov who was appointed to conduct the investigation. For the first time the author of the article analyzes in detail the text of this agreement and the testimony of V.N. Tagantsev and comes to the conclusion that V.N. Tagantsev’s reputation of a mere victim of the Cheka mystifcation among émigré journalists, inherited by the contemporary historiography, was ungrounded. The article emphasizes the ambiguous position of the anti-Bolshevik movement in Petrograd that maintained close contacts with the leaders of the White emigration and at the same time remained internally weak and poorly stafed. However, it does not deny the fabrication of cases to the advantage of the authorities. The memories of contemporaries of these events help demonstrate a public reaction to the actions of the Cheka in the indicated period and trace the possible “channels” of receiving information about the aforesaid secret agreement by the public. Ultimately, along with the expansion of jurisdiction and the application of extraordinary measures in other regions, the operations of Chekists in the North West in 1921 also contributed to abolishing the Cheka and establishing the GPU under the NKVD of the RSFSR.

The competition for the benevolence of the United States during the First World War is traditionally regarded in historiography as a confrontation between English and German propagandas, and thus the French less widescale but effective activity in this field remains poorly studied. Meanwhile, French propaganda focused on the political, financial and intellectual circles of North American society ensured mutual understanding and promoted close cooperation between the two republics in this global conflict. The sociocultural proximity of France and the United States, their historical ties, and the lack of any major contradictions allowed the French to involve methods that are now considered to be classified as “soft power”, so that the Americans did not regard them as the propaganda effect. The cumulative result of the activities of France and Great Britain made it possible to accelerate the entry into the war of the United States, which took over financing and industrial support of the exhausted countries of the Entente, and transported a two-million military contingent to the Old World by 1918. The unique and unprecedented experience of the formation and manipulation of public consciousness, accumulated during the First World War, later laid the basis of the methodology of studying public opinion and influencing the mood and consciousness of the masses. The study is based on the documents from the diplomatic archives, national archives and the Service historique de la défense of the French Ministry of Defense, previously uninvolved in the research on this issue in Russian historiography. The author attempts at comprehensive consideration of the historiographic material. The main focus of the article is the tasks, organization and methods of the French propaganda campaign. The most striking cases help illustrate all its main aspects. Particular attention is paid to the role of persons responsible for organizing events and establishing propaganda structures and agents performing special missions in the United States. The study covers the period of the US neutrality in 1914-1917.

This article refutes the stereotype that 19th-century Russian jointstock commercial banks were primarily for merchants and industrialists. The banks did indeed serve the commercial and industrial elite in the industrial regions and in the centres of national and international capital markets like Saint Petersburg and Moscow. However, in agricultural regions, the landowners, engaged in the production and sale of agricultural products, managed the joint-stock commercial banks together with the merchants. This phenomenon is analysed via the case of the Oryol Commercial Bank (1872-1908), which was a member of the Moscow banker Lazar Polyakov’s group. The bank operated in agricultural regions; it operated originally in the Oryol province in the Central Black Earth Region, but in the 1890s it spread to the twelve provinces of central, south and west European Russia. Biographical information about the bank’s leaders was collected from fragmented published and archival sources, and their business and family ties were reconstructed. The article concludes that the bank operating in the agricultural region was controlled by a coalition of merchants, landowners, provincial officials and zemstvo figures. Deep integration into the regional elite was one of the factors of the bank’s stability, because it connected the most solid regional customers with the bank. It helped the bank to survive in the second half of the 1870s and in the 1880s during an economically unfavourable period for the Central Black Earth Region. Another factor of the bank’s stability was its interregional connections - that is, access to the Moscow financial market via the Polyakovs’ banking group. This market far exceeded any regional Russian market. From the 1870s to the 1890s, membership in the group increased the bank’s opportunities to raise additional resources, but in the 1900s it negatively affected the bank because of the Polyakovs’ bankruptcy. The influential local coalition around the Oryol commercial bank helped to retain the bank inside the United Bank, which was created from the former Polyakov banks in 1908.

The article deals with the Balkan-related aspects of the life of A.A. Bashmakov, the Russian legal scholar, publicist and prominent figure of the Pan-Slavic movement in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. It covers his early years since the 1880s until 1913 when he resigned from civil service. The main attention is paid to A.A. Bashmakov’s socio-political activity and his Balkan journeys, i. e. to the practical side of his activities related to the Slavic issue. The circumstances of his stay in Macedonia and Northern Albania are described in detail; the author also touches upon his works based on the results of his journeys (travel notes, articles, speeches, periodical feuilletons, books and collected papers) and his stance on the Eastern question. According to A.A. Bashmakov, a Slavic-oriented Russian foreign policy should have helped maintain the country’s undeniable impact on international affairs. Scarcely researched archival and published materials are involved in the study. Academic novelty of the work is due to approaching large-scale, but unstudied activities of such a prominent figure as A.A. Bashmakov, first of all, analyzing his Balkan sphere of interests which has not yet been dealt with in historiography. The article shows all the diversity of A.A. Bashmakov’s undertakings in this area, studies his motivation, clarifies a number of issues regarding his publishing and academic work and corrects historiographic fallacies. A number of cases show that, while traveling to unstable regions of the Ottoman Empire, A.A. Bashmakov acted independently and contrary to the prevailing opinion of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, risking his own career. The article argues that his resignation from civil service was determined by his public criticism of Russian diplomacy during the First Balkan War.

Abstract. The issue of making religious affairs a separate branch of the state administration arises in the first quarter of the nineteenth century, in the period of the formation of the Russian imperial ministerial system. The idea of a department of religious affairs appeared at the very first stages of the ministerial reform. However, its establishment affected the prerogatives of the Holy Synod, the supreme governing body of the Orthodox Church. In 1810, the Main Directorate of Religious Affairs of Foreign Confessions was formed. It dealt with all the religions of the empire save Orthodoxy. Since the scope of the new institution seemed to be too insignificant; it was projected to be merged with the Ministry of Public Instruction. The idea of religion as the foundation of the education system, which was formulated in these projects, served the basis for placing the dominant Orthodoxy under the supervision of the joint department. The authors of the article argue that this plan was realized in 1817 through the establishment of the Ministry of Religious Affairs and Public Instruction. It was important for the authors of the constituent documents of the “double ministry” headed by the future minister A.N. Golitsyn, on the one hand, to clearly and unambiguously formulate the idea of relationship between education and religious piety, and on the other hand, to determine the relations between the Holy Synod and the new ministry. Public instruction was to be understood as education and upbringing based on religious truths. It should have been clear from the contents of the manifesto on the establishment of the ministry that the Holy Synod could not be subordinated to the minister of religious affairs. The fact that the Orthodox confession was placed under the supervision of the same institution with other religions did not allow to clearly identify its prevailing status. In 1824, the ministry was abolished, and the affairs of the Orthodox Church were separated into a special unit, which laid the foundation for the Department of the Orthodox Confession.

The author uses the monograph by A.V. Laushkin on ethnoconfessional ideas concerning the peoples neighboring to pre-Mongol and early Mongol Rus as occasion for his own reflections. The article examines the concepts regarding the use of church precepts in the area of interconfessional contacts of that time, the vocabulary of self-identification and separation from “strangers” inherent in the original Russian texts, providential models of describing relations with other peoples in these texts and their biblical parallels. The article characterizes the techniques employed by the author of the monograph for his analysis of the language of conceptualization of the early Russian chroniclers, in particular, the use of the “vocabulary of rejection” applied to neighbors of other faiths, and the “vocabulary of self-identification” opposite to the “vocabulary of rejection” in terms of its evaluative content and applicable to compatriots. Close attention is given to the assessment of Laushkin’s approach to the study of the religious imagery of the chroniclers’ language, its inherent eschatological dimension and providentialism, allusions to the Old Testament history (in particular, the Babylonian captivity). In his study, A.V. Laushkin provides a detailed gradation of the nuances of providential interpretations of Russian relations with neighboring cultures. This systematization is perceived as justifying itself while analyzing the Russian medieval mentality. The main critical point is the overloaded structure of the book. Its problematicthematic systematization overlaps with chronological one, and this overlapping considerably complicates the perception of the material and makes it accessible to a rather small circle of scholars. The apparent advantages of the book are two principal conclusions convincingly proved on the basis of extensive primary sources. The first conclusion is that the way neighboring peoples were presented in the Russian chronicles depended on the Russian relations with them and there were no stereotypes associated with their religions or life’s particularities. The second one is that the mentality of medieval Russian intellectuals was based on the providential understanding of the past, present, and future.

Almost immediately after the suppression of the Catiline conspiracy, Marcus Tullius Cicero stimulated several poems, composing by different people, and at least one historical work in his honor. Perhaps the only one who lived up to Cicero’s expectations was his best friend, Titus Pomponius Atticus. He devoted a work in Greek and Amaltheum inscriptions (epigrammata) to the consulate of Marcus Tullius. Atticus Commentarii covered the events of 63 BC in the vein of the perished work of Cicero himself. Almost nothing is known about the influence of the Commentarii on his contemporaries. A painstaking and meticulous author, Titus Pomponius did not have outstanding literary talent, but his work titled Imagines (images, portraits) along with Marcus Terence Varro’s Hebdomades formed the basis of a new genre, collections of literary portraits of prominent persons with short poetic passages. Distant predecessors of Imagines were the inscriptions in honor of Cicero written and placed by Atticus in his estate in Epiros. The study of epigrammata can help clarify the essence and typology of Amaltheum, a mysterious building or architectural complex. The ancient tradition allows us to conclude that the poems in Greek, praising Cicero, the consul of 63 BC saving the Eternal City from massacres and arsons, has been lost. Despite the fact that subsequently Atticus became a zealot of fatherly antiquity, he was a Hellenophile in his youth, and he had no reason to ostentatiously reproduce idealized Rome in the Greek villa. Hypothesizing Amaltheum as a “gallery of glory” and direct prototype of the forum of Augustus is unacceptable. The language of the inscriptions compels us to search for analogies in the Hellenic tradition of epigram. Scarce information gives no chance to reconstruct Amaltheum in any way. There is no evidence that it was a regularly planned space with a meaningful sequence of statues or busts. It was highly probable (although not confirmed by any source) that there was Cicero’s portrait.

March 24, 2020 marks the anniversary of Lidia Vasilyevna Koshman: Doctor of Historical Sciences, Chief Researcher and Head of the Laboratory of Cultural History of the Faculty of History, Lomonosov Moscow State University

The article analyzes archival, periodical and other printed material of the 1920s–1930s and demonstrates how the idea of accessibility of art (“art belongs to the people”) was realized and new “proletarian spectators”, visitors to art museums and exhibitions, were introduced to the culture. Particular attention is given to previously unexplored material (such as guest books of art museums and exhibitions, sociological studies conducted by museum employees, notes by tour guides). It gives the idea of audience reaction to “culturalization”, art in general and contemporary art in particular. As a rule, guest books escape the attention of art historians. The author thinks that these data allow developing a new approach to this significant topic. The artistic intelligentsia and museum staff were supposed to “accustom to art” workers and peasants who had been deprived of this experience before. For most visitors, their visits to the Tretyakov Gallery and the Pushkin Museum of Fine Arts were the first experience of getting acquainted with an art gallery and painting in general (“the impression is great”, the museum “is magnificent”, “made a great impression”, “I am overjoyed since everything is so unexpectedly beautiful”); the audience better understood the sculpture (“the only bad thing is that the figures are broken”), the visitors liked easel painting, but they needed explanation (“it’s extremely difficult without a guide”), classic and realistic art was preferred, the avant-garde (“a daub”) and contemporary painting were not liked (“I don’t want to look at and spend time on this”). The audience had no idea about the formal values of art and saw only the subject of the painting. The questionnaires of artists and art historians published in the weekly “Zhizn’ iskusstva” in 1929 revealed that many problems remained unresolved and art was still “alien and incomprehensible to the broad proletariat and peasant masses”.

Feodor Alekseyev, a leading representative of the genre of perspective cityscapes in the Russian academic art at the turn of the 18th century, combined artistic work and teaching practice for many years, simultaneously acting as the head of the workshop and the professor of the perspective painting class at the Imperial Academy of Arts. Based on Alekseyev’s activities, the author examines the content of the concepts of “workshop” and “school” in the era of classicism in Russia, when the earlier forms of master and apprentices’ working in a guild coexisted with the new academic system of training professional artists. The basis for the analysis was Alekseyev’s practical work commissioned by the Emperor, i.e. his execution of the views of Moscow, whose image symbolized national historical traditions and acted as a certain antithesis to the metropolitan Petersburg in the late 18th and early 19th centuries. The features characterising the relationship between the master and his assistants are reflected in Alekseyev’s collaboration with the graduates of the Academy, A.M. Kunavin and I.V. Moshkov, as they worked jointly on the graphic views of Moscow in 1800–1801 (after the business trip to the ancient capital on assignment for the Academy of Arts). The study of the paintings from the perspective of the typological features of images, their style and manner of execution let the author identify the respective roles of the master and his mentees in the process of creating the cityscapes. The article traces the compositional and semantic transformation of the views starting with watercolour drawings from nature and ending with the paintings that brought Alekseyev the glory of the first master of the Russian cityscape. Alekseyev’s experience as the head of the workshop, when he directly shared his expertise with his apprentices and determined the final result of their work, was extended in the activities of Alekseyev as a professor, who headed the class of perspective painting at the Academy of Arts from 1803 to 1824, and continued the practice of creating the panoramic views of Moscow. Thanks to the close integration of artistic and pedagogical practice, Alekseyev had a significant impact on the formation of the typological and figurative “model” of the urban landscape which was developed in the Russian art at the beginning of the nineteenth century.

Apart from mass import products, dozens of individual items of Western European origin were found in the excavations of medieval Novgorod, including household items and jewelry. Unlike the mass products, they are associated with the following excavation sites: Nerev, Slavna, Ilyinsky, Duboshin, Mikhailova Street, Nutny, Nikitinsky and Troitsky. There were the townhouses of the Novgorod boyars and merchants who traded with the Hanseatic League. About 200 individual items of Western European origin have been found in Novgorod. The author assigned individual objects to every residence. In addition, she attempts at classifying these residences on the basis of their landlords’ ownership of imported European products. The distribution of Western European items among Novgorod residences contributes to our perception of the social status of the owners of imported products. Apart from the traditionally prominent role of the boyars, one can note the high density of Western European items on the sites of nonaristocratic townhouses. Craftsmen and merchants could also purchase Western European imported products. Some of them could get to Novgorod from Karelia, where the local population was in contact with the subjects of the Swedish crown and assimilated certain elements of Western culture. In Novgorod there are zones of accumulation of Western European everyday items that were hardly used by the Novgorodians. These zones are considered to be the quarters of residents from Germany. This observation allows to verify the data of written sources. Simultaneous circulation of certain types of products in Novgorod and in the West correlates with evidence of the intensive trade exchange during the 13th and 14th centuries. These data also allow demonstrating that in certain periods Western style trends extended to the territory of medieval Novgorod.

The movement of spiritual Christians-Molokans in the Tambov region in the 1990s–2010s underwent major changes. The objective of this study is to analyze the historical prospects for the development of this movement in the region in question. There has been no general study of Molokans of the Tambov region since the expeditions of the Institute of History of the Academy of Sciences of the USSR in 1959–1960; only local studies of individual Molokan communities were attempted, for example, in the town of Rasskazovo. The topic of the old Russian sectarianism still needs further research. This work is based on the field research that the author conducted in 2017 and 2019. The heyday of the Molokan movement in the Tambov region fell on the first half of the 19th century. At the turn of the 19th century, Molokanism experienced a crisis while the number of Molokans was gradually decreasing in the context of spreading baptism. During the Soviet period, the Molokan movement in the region was in decline and most of the Molokan communities disappeared. In the 1990s–2010s there were three small Molokan communities in the Tambov region — in Tambov, Uvarovo and Rasskazovo. They flourished in 1999–2010, when the Molokans held congresses and active communication between the communities, and published Samizdat magazines. Nowadays, two of the three communities — in Tambov and Uvarovo — have survived. However, the absence of active and young members promises them no prospect. Nevertheless, these communities cultivate the spiritual and ritual traditions of Molokanism. In villages where communal life ceased during the Soviet period, the Molokan tradition degraded to separate religious practices, mainly related to the burial and commemoration of the dead. This allows concluding the importance of community life and Sunday liturgical gatherings for Molokans. The decline of the present-day Tambov Molokanism is primarily due to the lack of active community members, lack of internal and external Molokan preaching, and inability to interest young people in Molokan teaching.

The process of adoption of the law on political parties stretched for almost a decade in the Russian Federation. When Art. 6 of the Constitution of the USSR was annulled in early 1990, it seemed to many that this law would appear in the near future. However, after the final solution of the “CPSU problem”, work on it was suspended. Post-Soviet Russia plunged into the abyss of problems that actually paralyzed the legislative authority. The new State Duma, the successor to the previous parliament, made this act a priority. Nevertheless, the process of agreeing on a practically completed draft law (the Supreme Council of the Russian Federation did the main work of drafting it) was extended to the entire term of the First Duma. When the State Duma adopted a law on parties at the end of its legislature, it was declined by the Federation Council on formal grounds. Russian lawyers and political scientists, commenting on Federal Law “On Political Parties” in force since 2001, as a rule, do not delve into the backstory related to the travails of its formation and adoption. However, this issue may well constitute a separate topic for research. The objective of this study is to answer the question why in the mid-1990s such an important law on parties, much anticipated and favored by certain representatives of the political establishment, was ultimately not adopted. The subject of the article is the political and legal processes associated with the development, discussion and mechanisms of adoption of this normative act in 1994–1995. The research is based on the study of a wide range of sources and applies an interdisciplinary approach, i.e. methodology of historical, political, and legal analysis. The author concludes that the main reason for the failure to adopt the law was not so much its real deficiencies as the strategic interests of the 1990s Russian political elite.

The current state of international relations requires from humanities and interdisciplinary studies an analysis of the issues related to the use of the elements of “soft power”. In this regard, the research on the practice of France that has a long tradition of cultural diplomacy is of particular academic interest. Moreover, the issues related to the institutionalization of the foreign cultural policy of the French Republic have not been previously the subject of a specific study. Since the late 1950s cultural influence was regarded by the administration of the Fifth Republic as an instrument for realization of its political interests: in the context of continued decolonization, France needed to hold the former colonial countries under its close political impact. The economic and political interests of the Fifth Republic in liberated colonies went hand in hand with its cultural policy: reliance on the local political elite, trade strategy, export growth, and investments were directly depended on the increase in the number of specialists who spoke French and appropriated French values and culture. These factors led to the foundation of a number of state, interstate and public institutions that promoted French culture abroad. Thus, one of the characteristic features of the institutionalization of the French foreign cultural policy was a large amount of actors. This foreign cultural policy is closely related to the concept of “Francophonie”. The interstate organizations established in the two regions of the world, the Canadian province of Quebec and former French Africa, were important for implementing the Francophonie policy. The two five-year programs to expand the cultural and technical presence of France abroad were carried out in 1959–1963 and 1964–1968 during the presidency of Charles de Gaulle. These programs evidence that the Francophonic strategy was officially adopted as part of the Fifth Republic’s foreign policy. France strived to further its economic and political interests through systematic support of the French language and French-speaking population.

Conflict of the Tver’ Governor P.D. Akhlestyshev with the provincial zemstvo lasted throughout the entire period of his tenure in this post in the 1890s, however, after I.L. Goremykin was appointed Minister of the Interior in the fall of 1895, it moved into a new phase. The Minister actually sided with the opposition-minded zemstvo, and Akhlestyshev was forced to resign in the late 1897. Goremykin’s position in this matter was determined by two reasons: first, by the legalism inherent in the mode of his administration (thus he refused to regard the opposition of the zemstvo to the Governor as a challenge to the entire autocratic regime), and second, by intrigues inside the Ministry of the Interior in order to discredit Akhlestyshev. For almost two years, from the late 1895, the Governor tried to convince Goremykin of the legitimacy of his complaints against the zemstvo, however, judging by the quite negative reaction to Akhlestyshev’s reports, it was the Governer himself whom the Ministry blamed for the unhealthy socio-political conditions in the Tver’ guberniya. Correspondence of the Governor and Minister in 1896–1897 allows to follow the escalation of tension between them. What remained beyond the scope of this official documentation can be analyzed due to correspondence of the Governor with his confident Count S.D. Sheremetev, with whom Akhlestyshev shared the details of his relationship with the local zemstvo and the Ministry. This story shows that the political process in the Russian Empire in the late 19th century was much more complex than the confrontation between conservatives and liberals. The idea of building constructive relations with the zemstvo, despite the often provocative behavior of the latter, was evidently spreading among the representatives of the highest bureaucracy, as can be clearly seen in the case of the Tver’ guberniya. Such a link between legalist bureaucrats and liberals set a trend that doomed the utmost conservatives to marginalization.